贼鹰霉体在圣诞前夜首次大篇幅系统性报道在叙利亚某族暴恐份子的情况及其对兔子的威胁，该报道除了一如既往黑我兔以外，着重报道了这些武装暴恐分子的祸害方向----兔子家，报道称这些暴恐分子毫不掩饰地说，叙利亚战争结束之时就是兔子最可怕的事开始之际。 “我们不关心叙利亚战争怎么进行，也不管巴沙尔是谁。我们只想知道怎么使用武器，然后回兔子家战斗。我就是想报复。”，从贼鹰突然发表该报道的时机不难看出其背后的动机，随着叙政府军在反恐战场上取得决定性胜利，大量武装暴恐分子被压缩在一些狭小空间内面临被彻底歼灭的局面，这当然是这些暴恐份子滴亲老汉儿----贼鹰所不愿意看到滴，因此，很大可能是这些濒临绝望的包括某族在内的武装暴恐分子，在贼鹰及其同伙的协助下撤出叙利亚前往中亚、南亚、东南亚地区，其重点地区应是阿富汗、巴基斯坦以及被贼鹰灌了迷魂汤的三锅控制的克什米尔地区。因此，我兔务必严防死守，尤其是瓦罕走廊、克什米尔以及云南边境地区的防控，必须做到见鬼杀鬼，见魔灭魔，不使半个某族武装暴恐分子潜入境内，同时，坚决彻底干净的铲除隐藏在境内的潜在内应，以确保国内安全，正所谓防微杜渐，方能保国泰民安

这里再补两张国内绿化分布图。

 

 


:@      


AP Exclusive: Uighurs fighting in Syria take aim at China

 
By GERRY SHIH - Associated Press - Friday, December 22, 2017

ISTANBUL (AP) - It was mid-afternoon when the Chinese police officers barged into Ali’s house set against cotton fields outside the ancient Silk Road trading post of Kashgar. The Uighur farmer and his cowering parents watched them rummage through the house until they found two books in his bedroom - a Quran and a handbook on dealing with interrogations.

Ali knew he was in trouble.

By nightfall the next day, Ali had been tied against a tree and beaten by interrogators trying to force him to say he took part in an ethnic riot that killed dozens in western China. They held burning cigarette tips to Ali’s face, deprived him of sleep and offered him only salt water. When he asked for fresh water, they gave it to him - in buckets poured over his head.

That winter night in 2009, Ali recalled years later, would set him on a path that ended on northern Syria’s smoldering plains, where he picked up a Kalashnikov rifle under the black flag of jihad and dreamed of launching attacks against the Chinese rulers of his homeland.

Since 2013, thousands of Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking Muslim minority from western China, have traveled to Syria to train with the Uighur militant group Turkistan Islamic Party and fight alongside al-Qaida, playing key roles in several battles. Syrian President Bashar Assad’s troops are now clashing with Uighur fighters as the six-year conflict nears its endgame.

But the end of Syria’s war may be the beginning of China’s worst fears.

“We didn’t care how the fighting went or who Assad was,” said Ali, who would only give his first name out of a fear of reprisals against his family back home. “We just wanted to learn how to use the weapons and then go back to China.”

Uighur militants have killed hundreds, if not thousands, in attacks inside China in a decades-long insurgency that initially targeted police and other symbols of Chinese authority but in recent years also included civilians. Extremists with knives killed 33 people at a train station in 2014. Abroad, they bombed the Chinese embassy in Kyrgyzstan in September last year; in 2014, they killed 25 people in an attack on a Thai shrine popular with Chinese tourists.

China is just like the West, its officials say: the country is a victim of terror, and Uighur men are pulled by global jihadi ideology rather than driven by grievances at home. Muslims in the Uighur homeland of Xinjiang, as one Chinese official declared in August, “are the happiest in the world.”

But rare and extensive Associated Press interviews with nine Uighurs who had left China to train and fight in Syria showed that Uighurs don’t neatly fit the profile of foreign fighters answering the call of jihad.

There was a police trainer who journeyed thousands of miles with his wife and children to Syria, a war zone. A farmer who balked at fundamentalist Islam even though he charged into battle alongside al-Qaida. A shopkeeper who prayed five times a day and then at night huddled with others in a ruined Syrian neighborhood to study Zionist history.

And there was Ali, a short, soft-spoken 30-year-old with a primary school education who knew little of the world beyond his 35-acre farm when he left China, a home that had become unlivable.

Sitting cross-legged one recent evening in an empty apartment overlooking a kickboxing gym in Istanbul, he recalled the vow he made the night Chinese police beat him for participating in a riot he never joined.

“I’ll get revenge,” he said.

___

SELF-FULFILLING PROPHECY

Ali’s parents eventually got him out of detention - but it cost them 10,000 yuan ($1,500) in bribes to local officials, no small amount for the family of farmers.

Despite his release, Ali was not free.

It was late 2009, and Xinjiang was in lockdown. Four months earlier, hundreds of Uighurs had rioted in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang, and attacked the Han, China’s dominant ethnic group. An estimated 200 people died in the unrest that night, the bloodiest ethnic violence the country had seen in decades and an event that would change Ali’s life and that of 10 million Uighurs in Xinjiang.

The government, caught off-guard by the unrest, rolled out an expansive security crackdown and surveillance programs in the region that have accelerated in the last year . Thousands of Uighurs, including moderate Uighur intellectuals, are believed to have been arrested or detained, some of them without trial.

Ali was constantly stopped and questioned wherever he went. He couldn’t check into a hotel, buy a train ticket or get a passport.

“I had nowhere to go,” he said. “Except out.”

As the repression mounted, what began as a trickle of Uighurs fleeing China grew into a mass exodus. In 2013, more than 10,000 left across southern China’s porous borders, according to Uighur exiles. Nearly all the Uighurs who spoke to the AP after returning to Turkey from Syria recounted being persecuted by Chinese authorities as a motive for taking up arms.

“The Chinese government had been accusing Uighurs of militancy for a long time when there hasn’t been much of a threat,” said Sean R. Roberts, an expert on Uighur issues at George Washington University. “That changed after the 2009 crackdown. It’s become a self-fulfilling prophecy.”

___

ESCAPE AND ROAD TO SYRIA

Desperate to leave China, Ali paid more than 100,000 yuan ($15,000) to human smugglers and made his way overland through Laos, Cambodia, Thailand and Malaysia, where he received a Turkish travel document.

In Turkey, Ali drifted in Istanbul, working construction and electrical jobs for $300 a month. Within two months, his brother said he had met people who could take them to Syria, where they could learn weapons training and return to China to “liberate” their friends and family.

“We’ll avenge our relatives being tortured in Chinese jail,” he said.

Ali agreed, thinking they would go for a few weeks. They ended up spending two-and-a-half years in Syria.

The story of how Ali ended up in a distant war zone echoed the experiences of other Uighurs the AP spoke to in Turkey, who said they joined religious militant groups at first because of grievances against Beijing or support for the idea of a Uighur nation. Most knew little about political Islam that fueled jihadis in other countries, and none said they met with recruiters inside China.

But that changed as soon as they left China’s borders. As Uighur refugees traveled along an underground railroad in Southeast Asia, they said, they were greeted by a network of Uighur militants who offered food and shelter - and their extremist ideology. And when the refugees touched down in Turkey, they were again wooed by recruiters who openly roamed the streets of Istanbul in gritty immigrant neighborhoods like Zeytinburnu and Sefakoy, looking for fresh fighters to shuttle to Syria.

Uighur activists and Syrian and Chinese officials estimate that at least 5,000 Uighurs have gone to Syria to fight - though many have since left. Among those, several hundred have joined the Islamic State, according to former fighters and Syrian officials.

As Uighurs streamed out of China, militant leaders have seized upon China’s treatment of Muslims as a recruiting tactic. The Islamic State, for instance, regularly publishes Uighur-language editions of its radio bulletins and magazines, while the Turkistan Islamic Party has been releasing videos on a near-weekly basis, said Rita Katz, director of the SITE Intelligence monitoring group.

“How can those who are imprisoned due to their faith be freed? How can they be saved from this humiliation?” a masked Uighur fighter says in a Turkestan Islamic Party video released last year. “Words from our mouths won’t help, but jihad for Allah will.”

___

A FARAWAY WAR

From Istanbul, several of the former fighters described taking buses or being driven to the border region of Hatay, where they would cross on foot at night through lightly guarded hills. After a three-hour hike into Syria, cars waited in a forest clearing to whisk them to separate camps dotting the country’s north. One fighter said he simply drove in, unobstructed, on the highway from the Turkish city of Gaziantep.

When the Uighurs arrived in Jisr al-Shughour, a strategic town on the edge of Assad’s stronghold of Latakia region, men with families, like Ali, moved into a ruined neighborhood of single-story brick homes where 150 families stayed. Single men lived together in larger apartment buildings.

The men undertook three-month training sessions in the use of Soviet AKM rifles, shoulder-mounted rocket-propelled grenade launchers, physical conditioning and mapping.

At the beginning of the course, the trainers showed off their prized cache of captured American M-16s and German G3 rifles, but each fighter received a battered AKM and cheap Chinese ammunition. Boys as young as 12 and 13 - mostly orphans - were taken to a separate camp for religious classes and physical training.

Two fighters said they received boxes of food from IHH, a Turkish Islamic charity group, that included rice, flour, meat and even fish imported from Thailand. One of the fighters said the food supplies were labeled with the foreign fighting group they were being shipped to - for example, “Turkistanis (Uighurs) or Uzbeks.”

IHH spokesman Mustafa Ozbek said the group distributes aid in refugee camps near the Syrian border to civilians, but not armed groups.

“All of our aid is conducted officially, documented and reported,” Ozbek said.

The Uighurs in Syria have a reputation for administering their territory with a light touch, said Aymenn Jawad al-Tamimi, a British researcher at the Middle East Forum who has extensively interviewed jihadis in Syria, including Uighur fighters. They don’t enforce an Islamic court system or replace local councils - unlike their close allies, the al-Qaida-linked Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, Arabic for Levant Liberation Committee.

Instead, an older Uighur would convene young fighters in the evenings to discuss history and politics. They looked to an improbable model for building an independent homeland: Israel and the Zionist movement.

“We studied how the Jews built their country,” Ali said. “Some of them fought, some of them provided money. We don’t have a strong background of that.”

Few Uighurs spoke Arabic and most didn’t mingle with locals, but at one point some residents joked that Uighurs should rename the city Shughuristan, a play on “East Turkistan,” the Uighur exiles’ preferred name for their homeland. The Uighurs were unconvinced.

“This is not our homeland,” Ali and his comrades told the Arabs. “We want our homeland, we don’t need yours.”

___

FEARLESS ‘PAWNS’

Like Ali, Rozi Mehmet wanted to do something to help his people fight Chinese oppression. His grandfather, a wealthy Uighur farmer, had been executed in the tumult of China’s Cultural Revolution in the 1960s.

Three years ago, Mehmet left the ancient oasis town of Hotan and hiked into Syria to join a class of 52 Turkistan Islamic Party trainees.

Within six months, he would be on the front lines with a rocket-propelled grenade launcher strapped to his skinny back, sprinting toward government positions near Jisr al-Shughour.

Jihadi clerics have exhorted Uighurs to take up holy war and reap the rewards of martyrdom. But if he would take a bullet, Mehmet thought as he rushed into battle, he wasn’t dying for Islam - or the virgins that the preachers promised. His homeland was the only thing on his mind.

“I didn’t feel fear,” he told the AP. “If I felt fear, how could I be able to build my country?”

As fighting escalated in 2015 and 2016, hundreds of Uighurs died in its campaigns alongside al-Qaida’s Nusra Front, according to two former fighters who fought in northern Syria.

Radical groups have aggressively recruited Uighurs. Al-Qaida’s leader promised in a video that Islamic militants would repay the Uighurs by striking at “atheist Chinese occupiers” after the Syrian war. The Islamic State has echoed similar pledges and the group in March released a Uighur-language propaganda video vowing to one day shed Chinese blood if Uighurs would join the Syrian struggle.

As the chaotic opposition splintered and reorganized, groups vied for the Uighurs’ support and lauded them for their suicide attacks that often kept the Syrian army off-balance, Mehmet boasted.

An older fighter, also from Hotan, chided the young man, saying he was more cynical about why the Arab jihadis lavished them with praise.

“They praise us, which means they want us to follow them and fight for them,” said Rozi Tohti, 40, who fought near the city of Idlib. They “are trying to lure us to become their pawns.”

___

DISSENT IN SYRIA; THREAT TO CHINA

But several Uighur fighters insisted that, in their minds, there was a distinct line between themselves and the Islamic militants they fought beside. Some Uighurs complained about being stuck in Syria instead of attacking China, as they had been promised.

“We fight for them and help them control the country, and then Uighurs are left with nothing,” Mehmet said.

After joining the TIP in mid-2015, Uighur fighter Abdulrehim visited a graveyard for fallen militants and wondered why there were no Uighur national banners. At one point, he openly challenged a TIP senior leader, Ibrahim Mansour, about what they were doing in Syria, he recalled.

“We haven’t fired a bullet against our enemy, China,” he told a group of gathered Uighur fighters. “We always fight alongside international terrorists. What’s going on here?”

Many Uighur militants have grown tired of the war and are looking to leave particularly as Assad’s forces gain the upper hand, says Seyit Tumturk, a Uighur activist in Turkey who often speaks to fighters in Syria.

He said it was impossible for Uighurs militants to liberate Xinjiang, currently blanketed with paramilitary forces and riot police. But he said Chinese President Xi Jinping’s ambitious project to develop railway lines, ports, and other infrastructure linking various regions to China makes Beijing vulnerable to militant attacks abroad.

The Islamic State took credit in June for kidnapping and killing two Chinese teachers in Pakistan’s Baluchistan province, which is a cornerstone of Beijing’s so-called Belt and Road infrastructure project. In Kyrgyzstan, state security say a suicide bombing of the Chinese embassy in Bishkek was ordered by Uighur terrorist groups active in Syria and financed by al-Qaida’s Nusra Front.

Chinese officials and Western analysts alike say that the Uighurs’ experience in the Syrian jihadi melting pot will likely exacerbate violence against “soft” targets outside China. China’s foreign ministry called the Turkistan Islamic Party a security threat for the Middle East.

“We hope our brothers, including Syria and Turkey, will work with us, strengthen cooperation and cut off the terrorists’ cross-border movements and safeguard regional stability,” the ministry said in a faxed statement in response to questions from the AP.

The ministry did not address questions about the causes of radicalization but said that China’s government has invested heavily in Xinjiang’s economic development, protected its minorities’ rights and treated them just as every other ethnic group.

“Of course, when there are those who try to create tension in Xinjiang, the Chinese government’s commitment to striking against violent terror and ethnic splittism is unquestioned,” it said.

___

RETURN TO TURKEY AND AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE

By June of this year, Ali had tired of Syria and wanted to get out. For him, the war consisted of spending months at a time manning checkpoints and patrolling borders.

But like many other Uighurs who sought to return to Turkey, he struggled to find a way back. Ali walked for a week to get around a wall built by the Turkish government on the border. He’s now back in Istanbul and selling milk.

Although some of the Uighur returnees said they would attack China if the opportunity arose, others balked at the idea.

Uighur community workers are concerned that many of those cast back into Turkish society would struggle to integrate and be easily pulled back into radical groups. Many of the men make $200 to $300 a month, barely enough to cover rent in Istanbul, and spoke poor Turkish. Many faced daily discrimination.

Activists also worry about TIP recruitment continuing unchecked in Turkey, where it appears to have a degree of official support.

This year, Turkish authorities detained TIP members including a former top commander, ostensibly for his own safety, said a diplomat in Beijing and a Uighur activist who was allowed by Turkish officials to speak with him. But Turkey refused to allow Chinese intelligence to interrogate the former commander, deeply frustrating Beijing, the diplomat said.

Uighur leaders say Turkish police also have released several well-known Uighur jihadi recruiters even after the community offered tips that led to their arrest.

“There are suspicions that these recruiters have links with some individuals or agencies within the government,” said Omer Kanat, director of the Uyghur Human Rights Project in Washington. “They’re turning a blind eye.”

Rozi Tohti, the middle-aged fighter from Hotan, sat in a meadow facing the ruined walls of old Constantinople and ruminated on the choices facing his compatriots in Turkey: give their lives to a radical Islamic movement that they did not believe in or struggle to settle into a Turkish society where they did not fit in.

One thing was clear. Returning to their homeland was out of the question.

“Who wants to live in a war zone?” Tohti said. “We once had paradise in our country. But it was being erased by the Chinese, so instead we looked for paradise in Syria.”

机翻：

美联社独家报道:在叙利亚作战的维族人瞄准中国

由GERRY SHIH - Associated Press -周五，2017年12月22日

伊斯坦布尔(美联社)——中午时分，中国警察闯进了位于喀什古丝绸之路贸易站外的阿里家。维族农民和他畏缩的父母看着他们翻翻房子，直到他们在他的卧室里找到两本书——《古兰经》和一本关于审讯的手册。

阿里知道他有麻烦了。

第二天夜幕降临时，阿里被绑在一棵树上，被审讯者殴打，试图强迫他说他参加了在中国西部造成数十人死亡的种族骚乱。他们把燃烧的香烟头递给阿里的脸，剥夺了他的睡眠，只给他盐水。当他向他要新鲜的水时，他们把水给了他——水桶倒在他头上。

在2009年的冬夜，阿里回忆了几年之后，将他置于叙利亚北部燃烧的平原上，在那里他拿起一支卡拉什尼科夫步枪，在圣战的黑色旗帜下，梦想着发动对中国统治者的袭击。

自2013年以来，数千名维吾尔人前往叙利亚，与维吾尔激进组织“突厥斯坦伊斯兰党”(turUNK Islamic Party)一起训练，与基地组织并肩作战，在几场战斗中扮演关键角色。叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德的军队与维族战士发生冲突，6年的冲突已经接近尾声。

但叙利亚战争的结束可能是中国最担心的开始。

阿里说:“我们不关心战争是怎么发生的，也不在乎阿萨德是谁。”他只会说出自己的名字，因为害怕遭到报复。“我们只是想学习如何使用这些武器，然后返回中国。”

在数十年的叛乱活动中，维吾尔武装分子杀害了数百人(如果不是数千人)，他们最初是针对警察和其他中国当局的标志，但近年来也包括平民。2014年，极端主义分子在火车站杀害了33人。在国外，他们去年9月轰炸了中国驻吉尔吉斯斯坦大使馆;2014年，他们在一处受中国游客欢迎的泰国圣地袭击中杀害了25人。

中国就像西方一样，其官员说:中国是恐怖主义的受害者，而维族人被全球圣战意识形态所牵引，而不是被国内的不满所驱使。今年8月，一名中国官员宣布，新疆维吾尔族的穆斯林“是世界上最幸福的人”。

但是，对那些离开中国前往叙利亚进行训练和战斗的9名维吾尔人进行了罕见的、广泛的相关采访，他们的采访表明，维族人并不完全符合外国武装分子响应圣战的要求。

有一名警察训练师，他带着妻儿来到了叙利亚，这是一个战区。尽管他被指控与基地组织(al - al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al- al-一名店主每天祈祷五次，然后在晚上与其他在一个被毁的叙利亚社区里的人聚在一起，研究犹太复国主义的历史。

阿里是一个说话轻声细语的30岁的年轻人，他的小学教育程度不高，他离开中国的时候，在他35英亩的农场以外的世界里，他对这个世界知之甚少。

不久前的一个晚上，他盘腿坐在一间空空的公寓里，俯瞰着伊斯坦布尔的一家跆拳道体育馆。他回忆起自己的誓言:他在晚上的时候，中国警察因为参加了一场他从未参加过的暴乱而打他。

“我会报仇的，”他说。

自我实现的预言

阿里的父母最终把他从拘留中救了出来，但这让他们花了1万元(1500美元)贿赂当地官员，这对农民家庭来说是不小的损失。

尽管他被释放，阿里并不是自由的。

2009年底，新疆被封锁。四个月前，数百名维吾尔人在新疆首府乌鲁木齐发生暴乱，袭击了中国占主导地位的汉族。大约有200人在当晚的动乱中丧生，这是该国几十年来发生的最血腥的种族暴力事件，这一事件将改变阿里的生活，以及在新疆的1000万维吾尔族人的生活。

政府在骚乱中措手不及，在去年加速的地区实施了大规模的安全镇压和监控项目。据信，包括温和的维吾尔知识分子在内的数千名维吾尔人被逮捕或拘留，其中一些人未经审判。

阿里经常被拦下，不管到哪里都要问他。他无法入住酒店、买火车票或护照。

“我无处可去，”他说。“除了。”

随着镇压的展开，一股从中国逃出来的维族人开始大量外流。据维族流亡人士称，2013年，超过1万人离开了中国南部的边境。在从叙利亚返回土耳其后，几乎所有与美联社交谈过的维吾尔人都说，他们被中国当局迫害为拿起武器的动机。

乔治华盛顿大学(George Washington University)的维吾尔问题专家肖恩·r·罗伯茨(Sean r . Roberts)表示:“中国政府长期以来一直在指责维族人的好战行为，当时他们并没有太多的威胁。”在2009年的镇压之后，情况发生了变化。这已经成为一种自我实现的预言。

逃往叙利亚

为了离开中国，阿里向人贩子支付了超过10万元人民币(约合1.5万美元)，并通过老挝、柬埔寨、泰国和马来西亚等地越境，在那里他收到了一份土耳其旅行证件。

在土耳其，阿里以每月300美元的价格在伊斯坦布尔工作，从事建筑和电气工作。在两个月内，他的兄弟说他遇到了一些人，他们可以把他们带到叙利亚，在那里他们可以学习武器训练，回到中国“解放”他们的朋友和家人。

他说:“我们将为在中国监狱中遭受酷刑的亲属报仇。”

阿里同意了，以为他们会去几个星期。他们最终在叙利亚度过了两年半的时间。

阿里最终在一个遥远的战区的故事，呼应了美联社在土耳其采访的其他维族人的经历。他们说，他们最初加入宗教武装组织是因为对北京的不满，或者支持一个维吾尔族国家的想法。大多数人对政治伊斯兰教的了解很少，他们在其他国家助长了圣战分子的势力，也没有人说他们在中国与招聘人员会面。

但这种情况在他们离开中国边境后就发生了变化。他们说，当维吾尔族难民沿着东南亚的一条地下铁路行进时，他们受到一群维吾尔族武装分子的欢迎，这些人提供食物和住所，以及他们的极端思想。当难民们在土耳其着陆时，他们再次被那些在伊斯坦布尔的街道上公然游荡的招聘人员争取过来，比如Zeytinburnu和Sefakoy，他们在寻找新鲜的战斗机来运送到叙利亚。

维族活动人士和叙利亚和中国官员估计，至少有5000名维族人前往叙利亚参加战斗，尽管许多人已经离开。据前武装分子和叙利亚官员称，其中有数百人加入了伊斯兰国。

随着维吾尔人涌出中国，激进分子领导人抓住中国对待穆斯林的方式，将其作为一种招募策略。例如，“伊斯兰国”(Islamic State)定期发布其电台公报和杂志的维族语版本，而“突厥斯坦伊斯兰党”(turisis)则每周都发布视频，该网站的情报监测小组负责人丽塔·卡茨(Rita Katz)说。

“那些因信仰而被监禁的人怎么能被释放?”他们怎么能从这种羞辱中拯救出来呢?一名戴面具的维族战士在去年发布的土耳其伊斯兰党视频中说。“从我们嘴里说出的话不会有所帮助，但真主的圣战将会。”

一个遥远的战争

从伊斯坦布尔开始，几名前武装人员描述了他们乘坐巴士或被赶到哈塔伊边境地区，在那里，他们会在夜间步行穿过轻装守卫的山丘。在进入叙利亚3个小时后，汽车在一片森林中等待清理，并将他们送到国家北部的营地。一名战士说，他只是在土耳其城市加齐安泰普高速公路上开车，畅通无阻。

当维族人抵达吉斯尔•舒古尔(Jisr al- shughour)时，在阿萨德的拉塔基亚(Latakia)地区的据点，一个具有战略意义的城镇，像阿里这样的家庭成员，搬进了一个破败的社区，那里有150个家庭居住。单身男人住在更大的公寓里。

这些人进行了三个月的训练，使用苏联AKM步枪，肩装火箭推进榴弹发射器，物理条件反射和绘图。

在课程开始的时候，训练员展示了他们珍贵的被捕获的美国m - 16和德国G3步枪的缓存，但是每架战斗机都收到了一个破旧的AKM和廉价的中国弹药。12岁和13岁的男孩(大部分是孤儿)被带到一个单独的营地进行宗教课程和体育训练。

两名武装人员表示，他们收到了土耳其伊斯兰慈善组织IHH的一盒食物，其中包括大米、面粉、肉类，甚至从泰国进口的鱼类。其中一名武装人员说，这些食品被贴上了外国战斗组织的标签，例如，“土耳其人(维吾尔人)或乌兹别克人”。

IHH发言人Mustafa Ozbek说，该组织将援助物资分发到叙利亚边境附近的难民营，但不是武装组织。

Ozbek说:“我们所有的援助都是官方进行的，记录和报告。”

中东论坛的一位英国研究人员Aymenn Jawad al- tamimi说，在叙利亚的维族人以轻触的方式来管理他们的领土。他在叙利亚采访了很多圣战分子，包括维吾尔族战士。他们不执行伊斯兰法庭制度或更换地方议会——不像他们的亲密盟友，与基地组织有关联的干草在塔里尔·沙姆，阿拉伯为黎凡特解放委员会。

相反，一个年长的维吾尔人会在晚上召集年轻的战士来讨论历史和政治。他们希望建立一个独立的国家:以色列和犹太复国主义运动。

“我们研究犹太人是如何建立他们的国家的，”阿里说。他们中的一些人打了起来，有些人提供了钱。我们没有很强的背景。”

少数维吾尔人说阿拉伯语，大多数人没有和当地人交谈，但有一点，一些居民开玩笑说，维吾尔人应该把这座城市改名为“东突厥斯坦”(East turstan)，这是维吾尔流亡人士的家乡名字。维吾尔族是不服气。


无所畏惧的“棋子”

像阿里一样，他也想做些什么来帮助他的人民抵抗中国的压迫。他的祖父是一个富有的维族农民，在上世纪60年代的中国文化大革命的动荡中被处决。

三年前，Mehmet离开了古老的绿洲城市和田，并徒步进入叙利亚，加入了一个由52名突厥斯坦伊斯兰教学员组成的班级。

不到6个月，他就会站在前线，用火箭推进榴弹发射器绑在他瘦骨嶙峋的背上，向靠近吉斯尔·舒古尔(Jisr al- shughour)的政府阵地冲刺。

圣战神职人员告诫维族人要发动圣战，并获得殉道的奖励。但是，如果他想要一颗子弹，Mehmet就会想到他会冲进战场，他不会因为伊斯兰教而死，也不是那些牧师所承诺的处女。他的祖国是他唯一的心事。

“我没有感到恐惧，”他对美联社说，“如果我感到恐惧，我怎么能建立我的国家呢?”

据两名曾在叙利亚北部作战的前武装分子称，随着2015年和2016年的战斗升级，数百名维吾尔人在与基地组织的努斯拉阵线(Nusra Front)并肩作战时丧生。

激进组织积极招募维族人。基地组织领导人在一段视频中承诺，在叙利亚战争结束后，伊斯兰武装分子将通过打击“无神论的中国占领者”来报复维吾尔族人。伊斯兰国(Islamic State)也表达了类似的承诺。今年3月，该组织发布了一段维吾尔语的宣传视频，称如果维族人加入叙利亚的战斗，将有一天流出中国的血。

当混乱的反对派分裂和重组时，一些组织对维族人的支持表示不满，并对他们的自杀式袭击表示赞赏，这些袭击经常使叙利亚军队失去平衡，Mehmet自豪地说。

一位来自和田的年长的战士斥责了这个年轻人，他说他更加怀疑为什么阿拉伯圣战分子会对他们大加赞赏。

“他们称赞我们，这意味着他们希望我们跟随他们，为他们而战，”40岁的Rozi Tohti说，他在伊德利卜市附近战斗。他们“试图引诱我们成为他们的卒子。”
“这不是我们的家园，”阿里和他的伙伴们告诉阿拉伯人。“我们想要我们的家园，我们不需要你的。”

在叙利亚异议;威胁中国

但一些维族战士坚持认为，在他们的头脑中，他们和他们并肩作战的伊斯兰激进分子之间存在明显的界线。一些维族人抱怨他们被困在叙利亚，而不是像他们承诺的那样攻击中国。

“我们为他们而战，帮助他们控制国家，然后维族人一无所有，”Mehmet说。

在2015年年中加入这一消息后，维吾尔族战士Abdulrehim参观了一个阵亡的武装分子的墓地，并想知道为什么没有维吾尔族国家的旗帜。他回忆说，他曾一度公开质疑高级领导人易卜拉欣·曼苏尔(Ibrahim Mansour)对他们在叙利亚所做的事情的看法。

“我们还没有向我们的敌人中国发射一颗子弹，”他告诉一群聚集的维吾尔族战士。“我们总是与国际恐怖分子并肩作战。这是怎么回事?”

许多维吾尔族武装分子已经厌倦了这场战争，并希望离开，尤其是当阿萨德的军队占上风的时候，土耳其的维吾尔族活动人士Seyit Tumturk说，他经常在叙利亚与武装分子对话。

他说，维族武装分子不可能解放新疆。新疆目前被准军事部队和防暴警察覆盖。但他说，中国国家主席习近平雄心勃勃地计划开发铁路、港口和其他基础设施，把中国的各个地区连接起来，使北京很容易受到境外武装分子的攻击。

今年6月，伊斯兰国在巴基斯坦俾路支省(Baluchistan)绑架并杀害了两名中国教师，这是北京所谓的“一带一路”基础设施项目的基石。在吉尔吉斯斯坦，国家安全部门表示，中国驻比什凯克大使馆的自杀式炸弹袭击是由活跃在叙利亚的维族恐怖组织下令，由基地组织的努斯拉阵线资助的。

中国官员和西方分析人士都说，维吾尔人在叙利亚圣战大熔炉的经验可能会加剧针对中国以外的“软”目标的暴力行为。中国外交部称“突厥斯坦伊斯兰党”是对中东地区的安全威胁。

“我们希望我们的兄弟，包括叙利亚和土耳其，将与我们合作，加强合作，切断恐怖分子的跨境行动，维护地区稳定，”该部在回应美联社的提问时在一份传真声明中表示。

中国外交部没有回答有关激进化的原因，但表示，中国政府在新疆的经济发展中投入了大量资金，保护了其少数民族的权利，并将其与其他民族一样对待。

“当然，当有人试图在新疆制造紧张时，中国政府打击暴力恐怖和民族分裂的承诺是毫无疑问的，”它说。

回到土耳其，前途未卜

今年6月，阿里已经厌倦了叙利亚，想要离开。对他来说，战争包括在检查站和巡逻边界上花费几个月的时间。

但就像许多试图返回土耳其的维族人一样，他也在努力寻找出路。阿里走了一周，绕过边境上土耳其政府修建的一堵墙。他现在回到伊斯坦布尔，卖牛奶。

尽管一些维吾尔族回返者表示，如果机会出现，他们会攻击中国，但其他人则不同意。

维族社区工作人员担心，许多被送回土耳其社会的人将很难融入当地社会，并容易被拉回激进组织。许多人每月挣200到300美元，勉强够支付在伊斯坦布尔的房租，还会说可怜的土耳其语。许多每天面临歧视。

活动人士还担心在土耳其继续不受限制的招聘信息，在土耳其，他们似乎获得了一定程度的官方支持。

一名驻北京的外交官和一名维吾尔族活动人士称，今年土耳其当局拘留了包括前最高指挥官在内的一些顶尖人士，这些人表面上是为了自己的安全。但这位外交官说，土耳其拒绝让中国情报人员审问这位前指挥官，这让北京方面深感沮丧。

维吾尔族领导人说，土耳其警方还释放了几名知名的维吾尔圣战组织人员，即使是在社区提供了他们被捕的线索之后。

“有人怀疑这些招聘人员与政府内部的一些个人或机构有联系，”华盛顿维吾尔人权项目主任Omer Kanat说。“他们睁一只眼闭一只眼。”

Rozi力,中年战士从和田,坐在草地上面对老君士坦丁堡的残垣断壁和沉思的选择面临他的同胞们在土耳其:给他们的生活一个激进的伊斯兰运动,他们不相信土耳其或难以适应社会,他们不适合。

一件事是清楚的。回到他们的祖国是不可能的。

“谁想住在战区?””力说。我们国家曾经有过天堂。但它被中国人抹去了，所以我们在叙利亚寻找天堂。