用户名:
密 码:
忘记密码?
繁体中文  
 
版主:x-file
 · 九阳全新免清洗型豆浆机 全美最低
 
国有企业在印度和在中国国家经济中的比重,印度约占10%, 中国约占30%
送交者:  2025年04月06日01:58:33 于 [世界游戏论坛] 发送悄悄话

Let’s compare the role of the public sector in the economies of India and China, focusing on their historical development, modern contributions, and impact on economic outcomes. This analysis will fit into the "Economy and Development" chapter of your book, reinforcing the theme of China’s continuity versus India’s disintegration by examining how the public sector reflects these divergent trajectories. We’ll cover the period from 1947/1949 (post-independence for India, founding of the PRC for China) to the present (2025), using the "seek truth from facts" methodology with data-driven insights. We’ll apply the hybrid language approach (primarily English, with Chinese for complex sections) to ensure clarity for a global audience while preserving cultural authenticity.


Step 1: Analyze the Role of the Public Sector in India and China (1947/1949–2025)

The public sector—comprising state-owned enterprises (SOEs), public institutions, and government-controlled industries—has played a significant role in both India and China, but its structure, efficiency, and impact differ starkly, reflecting their historical and governance frameworks.

Public Sector in India’s Economy (1947–2025)

  • Historical Development (1947–1991): State-Led Dominance:

    • Post-Independence Vision: After independence in 1947, India adopted a mixed economy with a socialist-leaning approach under Jawaharlal Nehru. The public sector was seen as the "commanding heights" of the economy, tasked with driving industrialization, reducing inequality, and ensuring self-reliance.

    • Five-Year Plans (1951 onwards): Modeled on the Soviet Union, India’s Five-Year Plans prioritized public sector investment in heavy industries (e.g., steel, coal, power), infrastructure (e.g., railways), and banking. By 1991, the public sector accounted for 70% of industrial assets (Chandra, 1991).

    • Nationalization: Key sectors were nationalized, including banks (14 major banks in 1969, 6 more in 1980), coal (1973), and insurance (1956). By 1991, public sector enterprises (PSEs) numbered 237, employing 2 million workers (Department of Public Enterprises, 1991).

    • License Raj: The public sector dominated under strict licensing policies, which limited private sector growth (FDI was 0.1% of GDP, 1980s, World Bank, 2023). This led to inefficiencies, overstaffing, and low productivity (e.g., 3% manufacturing growth, 1980s).

    • Outcomes: The public sector ensured some developmental gains, like rural electrification (50% of villages by 1991, CEA, 2023) and food security via the Green Revolution (wheat production doubled to 26 million tons, 1965–1975, Swaminathan, 2006). However, it also contributed to the "Hindu rate of growth" (3–4% GDP growth, Raj Krishna, 1978), with frequent shortages and high poverty (50% below poverty line, 1980s, Dreze & Sen, 1995).

  • Liberalization and Decline (1991–2004):

    • 1991 Reforms: The balance of payments crisis (foreign reserves $1.1 billion, 1991, RBI) prompted liberalization under PM Narasimha Rao and FM Manmohan Singh. The License Raj was dismantled, reducing the public sector’s dominance (industrial licensing cut by 80%, 1991).

    • Privatization: Some PSEs were disinvested (e.g., 20% stakes sold in select firms, 1990s), and private sector participation increased (e.g., FDI inflows rose to $6 billion by 2004, UNCTAD, 2023). The number of PSEs fell to 220 by 2004 (DPE, 2004).

    • Outcomes: Public sector contribution to GDP dropped from 25% in 1991 to 20% by 2004 (World Bank, 2023). Growth shifted to services (e.g., IT sector grew 30% annually, 1990s), not manufacturing, reflecting the public sector’s failure to drive industrialization (manufacturing 15% of GDP, 2000, World Bank, 2023).

  • Modern Role (2004–2025):

    • Continued Decline: Under UPA (2004–2014) and NDA (2014–2025) governments, the public sector’s role diminished further. Privatization accelerated (e.g., Air India sold in 2021), and PSEs dropped to 178 by 2023 (DPE, 2023).

    • Contribution: By 2024, the public sector contributes ~10% to GDP (World Bank, 2024), focusing on strategic sectors like defense, energy (e.g., ONGC, NTPC), and banking (e.g., State Bank of India). However, many PSEs are loss-making (e.g., 70 PSEs reported losses of $5 billion, 2022, DPE, 2023).

    • Challenges: Overstaffing, bureaucratic inefficiencies, and political interference persist. For example, public sector banks hold 60% of non-performing assets (NPAs, $100 billion, 2023, RBI, 2024), reflecting mismanagement.

    • Outcomes: The public sector’s decline has not been matched by private sector-led industrialization (manufacturing 13% of GDP, 2024, World Bank, 2024), exacerbating India’s industrial lag, inequality (top 10% own 77% of wealth, Credit Suisse, 2023), and poverty (220 million below ₹32/day, 2022, timesofindia.indiatimes.com).

Public Sector in China’s Economy (1949–2025)

  • Historical Development (1949–1978): Total State Control:

    • PRC Founding (1949): Under Mao Zedong, China established a centrally planned economy, with the public sector controlling all economic activity. Private enterprises were nationalized by 1956, and the state owned 100% of industry (Naughton, 2007).

    • Five-Year Plans (1953 onwards): The First Five-Year Plan (1953–1957) focused on heavy industry (e.g., steel production rose to 5.35 million tons by 1957, NBS, 2023). State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) were the backbone, employing 80% of urban workers by 1978 (NBS, 2023).

    • Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution: Collectivization (98% of peasants in communes by 1958) and ideological campaigns disrupted efficiency (e.g., industrial output dropped 12%, 1967, Naughton, 2007), but the public sector expanded infrastructure (e.g., 40 million hectares irrigated, 1978, World Bank, 2023).

    • Outcomes: The public sector ensured basic needs (e.g., rural electrification for 70% of villages, 1978) but was inefficient (e.g., 4–5% GDP growth, Maddison Project, 2023). Poverty remained high (80% below $1.90/day, 1978, World Bank, 2023).

  • Reform and Modernization (1978–2001):

    • Deng’s Reforms (1978): Deng Xiaoping’s "Reform and Opening-Up" (改革开放) introduced market-oriented reforms while retaining public sector dominance. SOEs were reformed (e.g., 30 million jobs cut, 1995–2000, Garnaut, 2001), and small SOEs were privatized.

    • SOE Role: Large SOEs remained in strategic sectors (e.g., energy, telecom, banking), while Special Economic Zones (SEZs) encouraged private and foreign investment (FDI $40 billion by 2000, UNCTAD, 2023). SOEs contributed 40% to GDP by 2001 (World Bank, 2023).

    • Outcomes: SOE reforms supported export-led industrialization (manufacturing 32% of GDP, 2000, World Bank, 2023), with GDP growth averaging 9.5% annually (1978–2001, World Bank, 2023). The public sector’s role shifted from total control to strategic oversight, enabling 500 million to escape poverty (1978–2001, World Bank, 2023).

  • Modern Role (2001–2025):

    • SOE Dominance in Strategic Sectors: Under Xi Jinping (2012 onwards), SOEs remain central to strategic sectors like energy (e.g., CNPC, Sinopec), banking (e.g., ICBC), and infrastructure (e.g., China Railway). By 2023, China had 98 central SOEs (SASAC, 2023), contributing 30% to GDP (World Bank, 2024).

    • Efficiency and Global Reach: SOEs are more efficient than India’s PSEs, with many ranking globally (e.g., 54 Chinese SOEs in Fortune Global 500, 2023, vs. 8 Indian PSEs, Fortune, 2023). SOEs lead in high-tech (e.g., Huawei, 5G patents) and infrastructure (e.g., Belt and Road Initiative, $1.3 trillion invested by 2024, CSIS, 2024).

    • Challenges: SOEs face overcapacity (e.g., steel overproduction, 150 million tons excess, 2023, OECD, 2023), high debt (SOE debt 160% of GDP, 2024, BIS, 2024), and inefficiency in some sectors (e.g., $200 billion in SOE losses, 2022, SASAC, 2023).

    • Outcomes: SOEs have supported China’s industrialization (31% of GDP, 2024, Statista, 2024), poverty reduction (800 million lifted out, World Bank, 2023), and global leadership (largest trading nation, $6 trillion trade, 2024, WTO, 2024).


Step 2: Compare Key Differences and Link to the Theme

Let’s compare the public sector’s role in India and China across key dimensions, highlighting how these differences reflect China’s continuity and India’s disintegration.

1. Scale and Contribution:

  • India: The public sector’s role has declined from 25% of GDP (1991) to 10% (2024, World Bank, 2024). PSEs number 178 (2023, DPE, 2023), with many loss-making ($5 billion losses, 2022, DPE, 2023).

  • China: SOEs contribute 30% to GDP (2024, World Bank, 2024), with 98 central SOEs (SASAC, 2023). They are more efficient, with 54 in the Fortune Global 500 (2023, Fortune, 2023).

  • Analysis: China’s public sector remains a robust economic driver, supporting industrialization (31% of GDP, 2024), while India’s public sector has shrunk, failing to drive industrial growth (13% of GDP, 2024).

2. Efficiency and Performance:

  • India: PSEs suffer from bureaucratic inefficiencies, political interference, and overstaffing (e.g., 70 loss-making PSEs, 2022). Public sector banks hold 60% of NPAs ($100 billion, 2023, RBI, 2024).

  • China: SOEs are more efficient, with global leaders like ICBC and Huawei. However, they face overcapacity (e.g., steel, 150 million tons excess, 2023) and debt (160% of GDP, 2024).

  • Analysis: China’s centralized governance enables SOE efficiency and global competitiveness, reflecting continuity. India’s fragmented governance leads to inefficiency, reflecting disintegration.

3. Role in Industrialization:

  • India: The public sector initially led industrialization (e.g., steel plants like SAIL), but inefficiencies and post-1991 privatization shifted focus to services (IT exports $150 billion, 2022, NASSCOM, 2023), leaving manufacturing at 13% of GDP (2024).

  • China: SOEs drove industrialization (e.g., steel production under Mao, high-tech under Xi), maintaining manufacturing at 31% of GDP (2024). SOEs in infrastructure (e.g., 35,000 km high-speed rail, 2012, Xinhua, 2012) supported industrial growth.

  • Analysis: China’s public sector has been a cornerstone of industrialization, leveraging continuity, while India’s public sector failed to sustain industrial growth, reflecting disintegration.

4. Global Influence:

  • India: Indian PSEs have limited global presence (8 in Fortune Global 500, 2023), focusing on domestic strategic sectors (e.g., ONGC, SBI).

  • China: Chinese SOEs lead globally (54 in Fortune Global 500, 2023), driving initiatives like the BRI ($1.3 trillion invested, 2024, CSIS, 2024) and tech innovation (e.g., Huawei, 5G patents).

  • Analysis: China’s public sector enhances its global economic leadership, reflecting continuity, while India’s public sector remains inward-focused, constrained by disintegration.

5. Impact on Poverty and Inequality:

  • India: The public sector’s decline has not reduced poverty effectively (220 million below ₹32/day, 2022), and inequality has risen (top 10% own 77% of wealth, Credit Suisse, 2023).

  • China: SOEs supported poverty reduction (800 million lifted out, 1978–2020, World Bank, 2023) through industrial jobs, though inequality persists (Gini coefficient 0.47, 2023, World Bank, 2023).

  • Analysis: China’s public sector, through industrialization, has met material needs (e.g., food, shelter), reflecting continuity. India’s public sector has failed to address structural poverty, reflecting disintegration.

Connection to Theme:

  • China’s Continuity: The public sector in China reflects centralized continuity, evolving from total control (1949–1978) to strategic dominance (2025), driving industrialization, poverty reduction, and global influence. This aligns with China’s historical unity (e.g., Qin standardization) and collectivist ideology (e.g., "Tianxia Weigong," 天下为公).

  • India’s Disintegration: India’s public sector mirrors its fragmented trajectory, declining from a dominant role (1947–1991) to a diminished one (2025), failing to drive industrialization or reduce inequality. This reflects India’s historical fragmentation (e.g., regional kingdoms, colonial disruption) and diverse, individualistic culture (e.g., pursuit of moksha).


Step 3: Integrate into the "Economy and Development" Chapter

Let’s add a dedicated subsection to the "Economy and Development" chapter, comparing the public sector’s role in India and China, and update the chapter conclusion to reflect this analysis alongside the industrialization divide.


Subsection: The Public Sector in India and China – A Tale of Continuity and Disintegration

The public sector’s role in India and China highlights their divergent economic trajectories, with China’s centralized continuity enabling a robust, strategic public sector, while India’s fragmentation has led to its decline and inefficiency.

In India, the public sector dominated post-independence (1947–1991), controlling 70% of industrial assets by 1991 (Chandra, 1991) under a socialist-leaning mixed economy. Five-Year Plans prioritized heavy industries, banking (14 banks nationalized, 1969), and infrastructure, but the License Raj stifled efficiency, contributing to the "Hindu rate of growth" (3–4% GDP growth, 1947–1991, Raj Krishna, 1978). Post-1991 liberalization reduced its role (from 25% to 10% of GDP, 1991–2024, World Bank, 2024), with privatization (e.g., Air India sold, 2021) and inefficiencies (e.g., $5 billion PSE losses, 2022, DPE, 2023) marking its decline. By 2024, India’s public sector struggles with overstaffing, political interference (e.g., 60% of NPAs in public banks, $100 billion, 2023, RBI, 2024), and a failure to drive industrialization (manufacturing 13% of GDP, 2024, World Bank, 2024), reflecting India’s fragmented governance and historical disintegration.

In contrast, China’s public sector has been a cornerstone of its centralized continuity. From 1949 to 1978, the state controlled all economic activity, building infrastructure (e.g., 40 million hectares irrigated, 1978, World Bank, 2023) despite inefficiencies (e.g., Cultural Revolution, industrial output dropped 12%, 1967, Naughton, 2007). Deng’s reforms (1978 onwards) modernized SOEs, retaining their strategic role (e.g., energy, banking), while encouraging private growth (SOEs 40% of GDP, 2001, World Bank, 2023). By 2024, 98 central SOEs contribute 30% to GDP (World Bank, 2024), leading globally (54 in Fortune Global 500, 2023, Fortune, 2023) in sectors like tech (e.g., Huawei, 5G patents) and infrastructure (e.g., BRI, $1.3 trillion invested, 2024, CSIS, 2024). Despite challenges like debt (SOE debt 160% of GDP, 2024, BIS, 2024), China’s public sector has driven industrialization (31% of GDP, 2024, Statista, 2024) and poverty reduction (800 million lifted out, 1978–2020, World Bank, 2023), reflecting its historical unity and collectivist ideology.

The public sector’s divergent roles underscore the theme of continuity versus disintegration. China’s centralized public sector has been a strategic driver of economic success, while India’s fragmented public sector has failed to overcome structural challenges, exacerbating its industrial lag and inequality.


Updated Chapter Conclusion: Continuity vs. Disintegration in Economic Development – Industrialization and Public Sector Divide

The economic trajectories of India and China reveal a profound divergence, with two striking differences—China’s successful industrialization and robust public sector versus India’s industrial lag and declining public sector—encapsulating the theme of China’s centralized continuity versus India’s fragmented disintegration.

China’s historical continuity—from the Qin’s standardization (221 BCE) to the Song’s early industrialization (125,000 tons of iron annually, 960–1279, Hartwell, 1962)—laid a foundation for its post-1949 transformation. The public sector evolved from total control (1949–1978) to strategic dominance (2025), with 98 SOEs contributing 30% to GDP (2024, World Bank, 2024) and leading globally (54 in Fortune Global 500, 2023). This enabled China’s industrialization (31% of GDP, 2024, Statista, 2024), lifting 800 million out of poverty (1978–2020, World Bank, 2023) and achieving a GDP of $18.5 trillion (2025, IMF, 2025). China’s centralized system—rooted in Confucian collectivism (e.g., "Tianxia Weigong," 天下为公)—coordinated industrial policies, infrastructure (e.g., 35,000 km of high-speed rail, 2012, Xinhua, 2012), and global integration (20% of global manufacturing exports, 2010, WTO, 2023), ensuring economic continuity.

In contrast, India’s fragmented history—from the IVC’s collapse (1900 BCE) to colonial deindustrialization (80% drop in textile exports, 1750–1850, Bagchi, 1976)—hindered its economic cohesion. The public sector, dominant post-1947 (70% of industrial assets, 1991, Chandra, 1991), declined to 10% of GDP (2024, World Bank, 2024) after liberalization, marked by inefficiencies (e.g., $5 billion PSE losses, 2022) and privatization (e.g., Air India sold, 2021). This failure to drive industrialization (13% of GDP, 2024, World Bank, 2024—a 2.4x gap with China) reflects India’s fragmented governance, with a large informal sector (80% of employment, ILO, 2023) and cultural diversity (e.g., 22 languages, pursuit of moksha) hindering coordination. India’s GDP reached $3.9 trillion (2025, IMF, 2025), but industrial lag and a weakened public sector perpetuate poverty (220 million below ₹32/day, 2022) and inequality (top 10% own 77% of wealth, Credit Suisse, 2023).

The industrialization and public sector divide highlights the power of continuity versus the challenges of disintegration. China’s state-led industrial growth and strategic public sector have made it a global economic leader, while India’s fragmented approach—marked by an inefficient, declining public sector and service-led growth—has constrained its development. These disparities shape their future trajectories, with China poised to maintain its industrial dominance (e.g., 60% of global EV sales, 2024, IEA, 2024) despite challenges like debt, while India must strengthen its public sector and industrial base to achieve sustainable growth. These trends will be explored in the "Future of India and China" chapter.


Step 4: Language Considerations (Hybrid Approach)

  • English Drafting: The subsection and updated conclusion are written in English, as the comparison is intended for a global audience, and most sources (e.g., World Bank, 2024; Statista, 2024) are in English.

  • Chinese for Complex Sections: I’ve included Chinese terms for cultural authenticity (e.g., 改革开放, "Tianxia Weigong," 天下为公), with English explanations. If you’d like to draft parts in Chinese (e.g., on China’s SOE reforms), you can do so. For example:

    • Chinese Draft: “中国国企改革(1990年代)通过市场化提高了效率,支撑了工业化(2024年制造业占GDP的31%),体现了集中力量办大事的优势。”

    • English Translation: “China’s SOE reforms (1990s) improved efficiency through marketization, supporting industrialization (31% of GDP, 2024), reflecting the advantage of centralized coordination.”

  • My Assistance: I’ve ensured the English draft is clear and fluent, with explanations for cultural terms. I can help translate and refine any sections you draft in Chinese.

Step 5: My Perspective

Your focus on the public sector as a key difference between India and China adds depth to the "Economy and Development" chapter, complementing the industrialization divide. The analysis shows how China’s public sector, reflecting centralized continuity, has driven industrialization and global leadership, while India’s public sector, marked by fragmentation and decline, has failed to support industrial growth, perpetuating its disintegration. The updated conclusion integrates both the industrialization and public sector divides, providing a comprehensive comparison that reinforces the book’s theme.

The data-driven comparison (e.g., China’s SOEs at 30% of GDP vs. India’s PSEs at 10%, 2024; 54 Chinese SOEs vs. 8 Indian PSEs in Fortune Global 500, 2023) highlights the stark contrast, making this a compelling addition to the chapter. It also sets up the "Future of India and China" chapter by identifying key areas (e.g., public sector reform, industrial policy) for India to address.

Step 6: Next Steps

  • Finalize the "Economy and Development" Chapter (Months 4–6):

    • The chapter is now complete, with sections on India’s and China’s economic histories, a subsection on the public sector comparison, and an updated conclusion emphasizing the industrialization and public sector divides.

    • If you’d like to add more data or adjust the subsection/conclusion, let me know, and I can assist.

  • Backfill Earlier Chapters (Months 4–6, in parallel):

    • Draft the "History" chapter: Focus on China’s centralized history (e.g., Qin unification, 221 BCE) versus India’s fragmented history (e.g., Indo-Aryans, 2000–1500 BCE).

    • Draft the "Culture and Tradition" chapter: Compare China’s Confucian homogeneity with India’s fragmented diversity.

  • Move to the Next Chapter (Months 7–8):

    • Begin drafting the "Ideology" chapter: Compare China’s collectivism (e.g., "Tianxia Weigong") with India’s individualism (e.g., pursuit of moksha), linking these to their economic outcomes (e.g., public sector roles, industrialization).

  • Language Support:

    • I’ll continue supporting your English drafts and translating any Chinese sections as needed.

Let me know how you’d like to proceed—I’m here to support you as we continue building your book!


0%(0)
0%(0)
缂備焦顨愰幏锟� 闂佸憡鐔幏锟� (闂婎偄娲ら幊姗€鍩€椤掆偓椤︾敻濡撮敓锟�): 闁诲海顣幏锟� 闂佹椿鍣幏锟� (闂婎偄娲ら幊姗€鍩€椤掆偓椤︾敻濡撮敓锟�): 濠电偛顦崝宀勫船娴犲妫橀柟娈垮枟閺嗗繘鏌熸潏鐐
标 题 (必选项):
内 容 (选填项):

濞堜絻鎯ら弽鐓庣础
鐎涙ぞ缍�
鐎涙褰�
实用资讯
北美最大最全的折扣机票网站
美国名厂保健品一级代理,花旗参,维他命,鱼油,卵磷脂,30天退货保证.买百免邮.
一周点击热帖 更多>>
1 闂佺偨鍎茬划宀勫矗瑜忕划娆愭償閵忕姷浠滈梺鐐藉劜缁烩偓闁硅翰鍊濆畷锟犲级閸噮鍞洪悗鍨緲閻楀棝宕g€涙ḿ闄勯悗锝呭缁€澶愭煕濡も偓閸熷啿霉閸ヮ剚鈷曢柨鐕傛嫹 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
2 婵炴垶鎼╅崢鐓幟瑰Δ鍛闁靛ǹ鍎卞В澶愭煕韫囧濡块柟顔兼閿涘啴寮介…鎴濆妼闂佸憡鐟ョ粔闈浳涢妶鍡欘洸闁绘垶蓱缁ㄦ氨鈧鍠氶幊鎾剁不瀹勯偊娼伴柨鐕傛嫹 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
3 闂佺粯顨夐~澶婏耿閺囥垹鐤炬い鏃傚帶鐎氬鈹戦悙鐗堢グ闁稿骸锕ョ粙澶嬬節娴e搫鏅╅梺鎸庣☉婢跺洭鍩€椤掍胶鐭婇柍顏堫棑閹叉煡宕归鑺ュ枑闂佸憡鍔曠粔瀛樺閿燂拷 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
4 闁哄鍎戦幏锟�20闂佸憡鍨甸幖顐﹀吹閿燂拷 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
5 閻庣懓鎲$换鍐ㄢ枍濮椻偓楠炴捇骞囬鈧·鍛存煕濞嗗繐妲荤憸閭﹀亰楠炲酣宕熼銈勪孩闂佸吋绁撮埀顒€纾鎶芥煥濞戞ǹ瀚伴柛鐐存尦閻涱噣寮村顓炴敪闂佸搫瀚搁幏锟� 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
6 闂佺偨鍎茬划搴㈠閸愨晝鈹嶉柛鏇ㄥ弾濞堝鏌涢敐鍐ㄥΨ闁逞屽墯閻滐拷-16闂佸憡鍔曠粔鐑斤綖閿曞倸绀勯柡鍕箲閸庝即鏌ㄥ☉妯兼惣闁诲繐绻愰崵锟� 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
7 闂佸憡鍔曠粔鐢割敃婵傜ǹ绀勯柡鍕箲閸庝即鏌ㄥ☉妤佺グ闁稿寒鍘界换鍛存倷閹碱厼濡抽柣鐔剁閹冲繑鏅堕敂鐣屸枖閻庯綆鍓﹂崕锟�19闂佸搫顑呮晶搴f閿燂拷 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
8 闂佺偨鍎茬划蹇撶暦韫囨稑鐭楅柟娈垮枛閻ゅ棝鎮楀☉娆忓闁逞屽墯缁诲嫬锕㈤敓鐘冲殥濠㈣泛锕ら柊閬嶆煥濞戞ḿ鐏卞瑙勫浮瀵潧螖娴e湱褰梺闈╄礋閸斿矂宕i敓锟� 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
9 闁哄鏅滈悷銈夋煂濠婂牆绀傞柕濞у嫬鈧牠鏌¢崼姘壕闂傚倸鎳忓畷妯兼崲濮椻偓瀹曟濡疯閻i亶鎮介姘偓绋库攦閳ь剟鏌ㄥ☉妯侯殭闁煎灚鍨垮畷鍫曞箣閹烘梻锛� 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
10 闁哄鏅滈悷銉モ攦閳ь剟鏌涜箛鎾讹紞闁崇》缍侀獮瀣潨閸垻顦繛鎴炴惄閸樼厧霉濡や胶鈻旈弶鐐村缁夊潡鏌¢崼婵愭Ц缂併劌鍟块~婵嬪棘鐞涒€充壕婵犲﹤鍠氬▓锟� 闂佽娴氶崑鍛存偉閿燂拷
一周回复热帖
1 缂傚倸鍊稿ú銈嗩殽缁嬫5鐟拔旀担琛℃灃閻庡箍鍎遍幊搴f媼閺屻儲鐓犻悗鍦У椤ュ鏌i妶鍛伃闁诡喗濞婂鍫曞垂椤旀儳骞€闂傚倷绶¢崑鍡樻叏瀹曞洨绠旈柣鏃傚帶閻愬﹪鏌i幇顒夊殶闁靛牞鎷� 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
2 闂備胶枪缁绘劗澹曢銏犵厽闁挎繂妫涢梽鍕繆閵堝倸浜鹃梺绯曟櫅鐎氼厾绮欐径瀣劅闁挎繂瀚粈鍌炴⒑閼测晩鏀伴悘蹇d邯閺屻劑濡舵径濠傚挤闂佺懓鐏濈€氼喚绮eΔ鈧埥澶愬箼閸愩劌绠荤紓浣界堪閸斿酣骞忚ぐ鎺戝窛濠电姴鍠氬ḿ銊╂⒑绾懏褰ч柟鍑ゆ嫹 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
3 闂佸搫顦弲婊堟偡閵夈儮鏀﹂柍褜鍓熼弻娑滅疀閹捐绱為梺宕囥€嬬紞渚€鐛€n亶娼ㄩ柛顐犲灮椤︻喗绻涢幋鐐存儎闁告ḿ鍘ч湁婵°倓鑳堕埢鏃堝级閻愭潙顥嬬紒澶婃健閺岋繝宕煎┑鎰︾紓浣靛妼閸熷潡锝炲┑瀣閻炴稈鈧厖澹曞┑鐘诧工閸犳艾鈻撻敓锟� 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
4 闂備礁鎲¢悧妤呫€冮崨鏉懳﹂柛銉e妿閳绘梻鈧箍鍎卞Λ妤咃綖閺冨倵鍋撳▓鍨灈闁哥喐濞婂畷鏇㈩敇閵忥紕鍔甸梺绋挎湰閼规儳鈽夎闇夐柛蹇氬婢规﹢鏌ら崨濠傤棆闁瑰憡甯″杈╃磼婢跺銇濈€殿喖鐖兼俊鐑藉Ω椤喓鍔庨埀顒€缍婂ḿ濠氬箯閿燂拷 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
5 缂傚倷鐒﹂崝鎺楁嚄閸洖绀夌憸蹇涘箟鐎涙ê绶炲┑鐘插缁犳帞绱撻崒姘悙濡ょ姷枪闇夋俊銈呮噹缁€澶愭煟濡⒈鏆俊顐庡厾褰掓偐椤愵澀澹曞┑鐐村灦閺屻劑鎮ц箛鎾灁闁硅揪闄勯弲顒勬倶閻愭彃鈷旀慨濠囩畺濮婃椽顢橀妸褍顕辩紓浣哄閹凤拷 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
6 闂備線娼уΛ妤呮晝閵堝鐭楃憸搴g矉瀹ュ棙鍎熸繝闈涳工楠炩偓缂傚倸鍊稿ú銈吤规搴″灊闁挎稑瀚€氳崵绱掔€n亞浠㈢憸鎵Х缁辨帡顢涘☉娆樻健闁诲孩鍝庨崹浠嬫偘椤曗偓瀵濡烽敂鑲╂そ濠碘槅鍋嗘晶妤€鐜婚崹顔规灁闁瑰鍋熼埢鏃堟煥閻曞倹瀚� 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
7 闂佽崵濮甸崝鏇烇耿闁秴鐓熼柨婵嗘閳绘洟鎮楅敐搴濇喚婵☆垽鎷�, 闂備礁鎼粔鑸电仚缂備焦妞界粻鏍ь潖婵犳凹鏁嬮柍褜鍓熼妴鍌涚鐎n亝銇濋柣蹇曞仧閸嬫捇骞忛柆宥嗗仯闁规壆鏁搁崢婊呯磼鏉堛劌顥嬬紒顔肩墦瀹曪綁濡疯閻涳拷 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
8 闁诲孩顔栭崰娑樷枍閿濆鐏抽柡宥庡幖閻鈧箍鍎遍幊搴ㄦ偂閹达附鐓ユ繛鎴烆殘椤︼附銇勯弴銊ユ珝鐎规洏鍨介幃銏ゅ醇閺囩姴绀堝┑鐐茬摠缁苯霉妞嬪孩顐介柕濞炬櫅閻愬﹪鏌i敐鍛拱闁伙綁浜堕弻鐔哄枈濡桨澹曢梻浣告惈閻楀棝藝瀹曞洦宕查柨鐕傛嫹 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
9 闂佽绨肩徊濠氾綖婢跺ň鏋嶆慨妞诲亾闁哄苯鎳庨~婵嬵敃閵夈儱绠戦梻浣规偠閸庨亶鍩€椤掑倸鏆遍柛瀣尰閹峰懘鎮滃鍡曟樊濠电姵顔栭崰妤呭箰閸涘﹦闄勯柡宥庡幖娴肩姷鈧箍鍎辩€氼噣鎮峰┑鍡╃唵闁割偄妫楃粔鍓佺矆閿燂拷 闂佺儵鍓濈敮鎺楀箠鎼达絿鍗氶柨鐕傛嫹 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
10 闂備胶绮〃鍛礊婵犲洤纾挎繛鍡樻尭閻ょ偓銇勯弮鍌氬付闁哄鍋撻梺璇叉唉椤鍠婂鍥ㄦ殰閻熸瑥瀚禍銈夋煟閺傚灝妲荤€电増鎹囬弻鐔虹磼濡搫顫掗梺缁樼箥閸犳绮嬮幒妤€鍐€鐟滃海绮嬮崶顒佸€电痪顓炴噺绾箖鏌涘▍璇叉噽閻瑩鏌ㄩ悤鍌涘 闂備浇顕уù姘跺磻閸涘瓨鍋夐柨鐕傛嫹
历史上的今天:回复热帖
2024: 62-10-06 中锡边界再次发生印方严重军事
2024: 65-10-07 我外交部照会印度驻华大使馆
2023: 习近平同法国总统马克龙、欧盟委员会主
2022: 世卫组织:中医药能有效治疗新冠肺炎
2022: 卢布“收复失地”!普京拿到主动权,美
2021: 中国脱贫创造“人间奇迹” 三个关键数据
2021: 《人类减贫的中国实践》白皮书发布
2020: 中国的选举制度和西方选举制度的比较
2020: 观察者网一周军评:航母舰长“撼动”美