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送交者:  2018年07月12日10:41:05 于 [世界时事论坛] 发送悄悄话

   你从未见过1894年英方记述 158年前 —— 

                1860年9月 面对日益逼近北京城之英法联军

  我大清威武党中央 射人先射马 擒贼先擒王 奉陪到底之果敢智慧

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Sir Harry Smith Parkes (24 February 1828 – 22 March 1885) GCMG KCB was a British 

diplomat who served as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary and Consul 

General of the United Kingdom to the Empire of Japan from 1865 to 1883 and the 

Chinese Qing Empire from 1883 to 1885, and Minister to Korea in 1884. Parkes Street 

in Kowloon, Hong Kong, is named after him.

哈里·斯密·巴夏礼爵士,KCB,GCMG,( Sir Harry Smith Parkes,1828-1885 ),


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                                                IN TWO VOLUMES   VOL. I — CONSUL IN CHINA 


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Stanley Edward Lane-Poole (18 December 1854 – 29 December 1931) 

was a British orientalist and archaeologist.



......   ......   ...... 

All that need here be said is that, whether Lord 

Elgin's passion for diplomacy or the General's unpre- 

paredness were the cause, a month passed between the 

breaking off of the Tien-tsin conferences and the arrival of 

the allies in force before Peking, and that in the meanwhile 

the negotiations which had been abandoned were resumed. 

At first the allies, determined apparently to ' stand no 

more nonsense,' pushed on their advance guard to Ho-si- 

wu, a place some thirty -five miles from Peking, as the 

crow flies, or about half-way between Tien-tsin and the 


1 This is best stated in Lord Wolseley's Narrative of the War with 

China in i860 (1862). 

On the way Lord Elgin received fresh overtures i860 

from the Chinese. New Commissioners had been ap- 

pointed to conclude a Convention, one of whom was 

no less a personage than Tsai, Prince of I, a nephew 

of the Emperor and one of the three princes who 

practically governed the country, whilst the other was the 

President of the Board of War. These fresh diplomatists, 

armed with plenary powers from the Emperor, tried to 

induce Lord Elgin to return to Tien-tsin and resume the 

interrupted negotiations ; but although he declined to go 

back he did what was almost as bad : he consented 

not to go forward. First he said that the army would 

march to Tung-chow (ten miles from Peking) ' crushing 

all opposition ' on its way ; and then he added that it 

would halt at a stage short of Tung-chow, whilst he and 

an escort of a thousand men would enter the town to 

sign the Convention, and then go on to Peking to 

present the Queen's letter to the Emperor. The Chinese 

naturally drew the conclusion that one concession might 

be followed by others, and that the allies were not 

confident of their strength. The Prince of I took advan- 

tage of the pause to arrange a plot, as dishonourable and 

perfidious as even Chinese duplicity could devise. Whilst 

calling up the Mongolian troops and preparing a trap for 

our army, he sought to gain time by apparent conciliation. 

He and his colleague promised to sign the Convention 

which had already been submitted to their predecessors in 

the Commission. On the 16th September they had a 

long and amicable interview with the two secretaries, who 

brought back a formal letter in which the Commissioners 

engaged to execute the Convention of which they had 

approved the draft. They fixed a point about five miles 

from Tung-chow for the final camp of the allied army, 

beyond which no advance should be made. Parkes and 

Wade came back thoroughly satisfied, and completely 

deceived. ' The earnestness and even vehemence,' wrote 

Mr Wade, ' with which the Prince had discussed, first the 

question of powers and lastly the position of the force,

谷歌同学一秒钟完结  译文:  埃尔金勋爵 = 额尔金勋爵; 帕克斯 = 巴夏礼


额尔金对外交的热情或对将军的不满 - 








吴,距离北京三十五英里的地方 --

























他们的力量充满信心。我的王子采取了先锋 - 







委员会。 9月16日,他们有一个








上当受骗。 “诚恳甚至激烈,”写道
















陪同布鲁斯先生的使馆,沃克上校,1季 - 




龙骑兵卫队和Fane's Horse的二十多只。上










那个季节去他的狩猎小屋 - 但是这个细节





现为C. P. Beauchamp Walker先生,K.C.B。




在蓝皮书中{Pari。论文,186 1 [66],p。 226-244,引用为“报告”),

和H. H. Loch爵士在主时期发生的生动的个人叙事

埃尔金第二次访华使馆,p。 131-238(Murray,1869;引用'Loch'),



最好告诉这些危险的文明是什么: - 



带着休战旗帜,通知帝国委员会 - 


















占 ;其他人员管理供应事宜;





到营地(距离东 - 五英里)












3 2 Tung-chow,首先要留意委员








指挥护送的中尉安德森。 1开





领取者。在我找到它们之前很长一段时间: - 不












这些答复是:(1)帝国委员会 - 












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巴夏礼 一手制造了“亚罗号事件”、在广州沦陷后实际操纵那里的政务,于


不去巴夷, 粤难未已”[4];他甚至还张榜悬赏:“生擒巴夏礼者,(赏)数万,


代表的 巴夏礼,在清朝官员面前表现出来的傲慢无理,较之此前在天津谈判中的


多怀有怨恨 之意,且认定其乃“主事之人”,额尔金惟其言语是听[6]。在通州







联军 的阵脚,缓和局势。然而对战局的没有把握,又使咸丰皇帝在这则奏折中


然而是否扣押 巴夏礼,其关键还在于具体办理交涉时载垣等人的决断。 



的 条件,与巴夏礼达成了停战签约的协议,并就此认为矛盾已经解决[8]。不料


关系 国体,万难允许”[9],9月12日的会晤中并无此说法,且先前英俄两国也


没有必 要列入谈判内容。双方坚持己见,相持不决。于是,载垣等一面向咸丰


僧格林沁因和 局不成之势已显,早在张家湾以南重兵扼守,9月18日面饬恒祺时,


出动,截 拿巴夏礼等英法人员39人。至此,通州谈判全面破裂。 



的判 断,载垣最终做出这样的决定,其中也有咸丰皇帝所说的铲除英法“谋主”


就擒,该夷 兵心必乱,乘此剿办,谅可必操胜算”[11]。 




扣押 巴夏礼等人做出了强硬的反应,当日中午,清军惨败于通州张家湾。数日


杀巴夏礼的情 绪高涨,如光禄寺少卿焦佑瀛、署户部右侍郎袁希祖等人联名


“是极,惟尚可稍缓数 日耳”[13],并于9月21日任命奕訢为“钦差便宜行事




复照 限期三日释还被押英法员弁,全部条件盖印画押,否则“登时领兵前进,


一时以 巴夏礼为中心。然而,奕訢发给英国公使额尔金的多次照会,意见仍与


30日宣布 停止交涉,将此事移交联军司令部处理[16]。10月5日,英法联军


在“无一兵一 骑出而御之”的情况下,占据圆明园,与当地土匪一起,大肆

抢劫 [17]。 



induced us both to believe that his surrender at last was 

bona fide for the purpose of preventing further hostilities.' 

To have imposed upon two such shrewd diplomatists is a 

sufficient proof of the exceptional ability of the Prince of 

I, whose career, however, was abruptly cut short just a 

year later by the silken cord, nominally on account of the 

treachery which he now perpetrated. 

On the 17th September Parkes returned to Tung-chow 

to complete the arrangements for a meeting between the 

Commissioners and the Allied Ambassadors, and among 

other things to mark out at what was known as * the five 

// point ' the ground for the camp. He was accompanied 

by Mr Loch, Lord Elgin's private secretary, Mr de Norman, 

attache to Mr Bruce's Legation, Colonel Walker, 1 Quarter- 

master of the cavalry brigade, Mr Thomson, Deputy 

Commissary General, Mr Bowlby of the Times, and Lieu- 

tenant Anderson commanding the escort of five King's 

Dragoon Guards and twenty sowars of Fane's Horse. On 

the way nothing unusual was remarked, and a Chinese 

lieutenant-general, whom they met, cordially congratulated 

them on ' the conclusion of peace.' They found quarters 

in a temple at Tung-chow, and Parkes spent seven hours 

with the Imperial Commissioners, arranging details. He 

found that they strongly objected to the proposal that 

Lord Elgin should personally present the Queen's letter 

to the Emperor, — it appeared that a convenient law of the 

realm, invented for the occasion, compelled his Majesty to 

go to his hunting -lodge at that season, — but this detail 

was reserved for Lord Elgin's consideration. The other 

matters were settled ; and the meeting ended in the 

exchange of apparently sincere congratulations on the 

conclusion of the preliminaries of peace. But the letter 

Now General Sir C. P. Beauchamp Walker, K.C.B. 

2 In relating the capture of Parkes and his party on 18th September, and 

the imprisonment which ensued, I rely upon his letter to his wife of 9th 

October (cited in margin as ' Letter '), his official report to Lord Elgin, printed 

in the Blue-Book {Pari. Papers, 186 1 [66], p. 226-244, cited as 'Report'), 

and Sir H. B. Loch's vivid Personal Narrative of Occurrences during Lord 

Elgin 's Second Embassy to China, p. 131-238 (Murray, 1869 ; cited as '

Loch '), 

which, however, presents some slight discrepancies with Parkes' Report. 

which Parkes wrote to his wife when it was all over will i860 

best tell what followed these treacherous civilities : — 

On the 17th September I was sent from the camp Letter 

at Ho-si-wu into Tung-chow, twenty-five miles distant, 

with a flag of truce, to notify to the Imperial Commis- 

sioners (the Prince of I and Muh-yin) Lord Elgin's 

acceptance of the terms they had themselves proposed 

at a previous meeting on the 14th between said Com- 

missioners on the one part and Wade and myself on 

the other. I now believe that after making those pro- 

posals, they either wished or were instructed to modify 

them, and the famous Sangkolinsin was directed to 

try the issue of another engagement. This, however, 

they kept secret from me ; and though they met me 

at first with a variety of objections, which were not 

encouraging, still I succeeded (as it appeared to me) 

after a long interview in overruling these, and they 

worked away with me (with apparent good-will) in 

making those arrangements upon which peace or 

cessation of hostilities depended. Thus they appointed 

one set of officers, to mark out with me the ground 

that our troops (expected the following day) were to 

take up ; other officers to manage matters of supply ; 

the publication of a peace proclamation was com- 

menced ; and carts for the transport of Lord Elgin's 

baggage were ordered. All this on the 17th. 

At daylight on the 18th I went with said officers 

to the place of encampment (five miles from Tung- 

chow), and was surprised to find it occupied by a 

considerable force of Chinese troops, while other bodies 

could be seen approaching from other directions. Fail- 

ing to get any explanation from the officers who com- 

manded these troops, and fearing that our advanced 

column might come up at any moment, in which case 

a collision would have been inevitable, I despatched 

Loch (Lord Elgin's private secretary) to General Grant 

with the intelligence, begging him to halt his column, 

until I could bring him an explanation of this un- 

 expected state of things. I then galloped back to 

Tung-chow, first, to look out for the Commissioners 

and see if they would immediately direct the with- 

drawal of these troops, and failing this, then secondly, 

to get my party out of the place as quickly as possible, 

that I might be on the right side of the hedge when 

the engagement began : said party consisted of about 

fifteen sowars (native cavalry), Mr de Norman of the 

Legation, Mr Bowlby {Times correspondent), and 

Lieutenant Anderson who commanded the escort. 1 On 

returning to Tung-chow I found all the gentlemen out ; 

I despatched messengers in quest of them, warned the 

sowars to be ready to start at a moment's notice, and 

with a couple of them went in search of the Commis- 

sioners. It was a long time before I found them : — no 

one would tell me where they were. They told me 

that they would not withdraw the troop*s, and in such 

a tone that I soon saw that the sooner I withdrew 

myself from them the better, as they were surrounded 

by a host of men whose manner was very different 

to that of previous occasions. I made them give me, 

however, categorical replies to two categorical questions, 

which to prevent mistake I took down before them in 

writing, and then, wishing them a very good morning, 

hoped I had seen the last of them for a little time, as I 

could see a fight had been determined on. 

These replies were: (1) that the Imperial Commis- 

sioners would not direct the troops to retire, because (2) 

the peace had not been determined on, in consequence of 

the audience question remaining still unsettled. When 

Parkes repeated that he could only refer this question to 

Lord Elgin, they said, ' You can do much more if you 

like. You can settle the point at once yourself; but 

you won't.' It is evident that the Commissioners looked 

upon Parkes as the chief voice in the negotiations and did 

not believe him when he asserted Lord Elgin's supreme 

1 Colonel Walker and Mr Thomson had left the party before now, and 

managed eventually at considerable risk to get through the Chinese lines. 


power of decision. Nothing remained but to make good i860
his retreat : — Mt - 32

Got back to my party, who were three miles Letter
off, and had been rejoined by Loch 1 with an urgent
message from the General desiring me to come out as
soon as possible, as the enemy were on both his flanks
and were threatening his baggage, thus rendering it
difficult to delay engaging them. We had a good six
miles to go, and the whole Chinese army (since esti-
mated at many thousand men) between us and our
people ; but I relied upon our flag of truce carrying us
through, if we could only get out before the battle
began. We rode hard, and had only about half a mile
more to go to place us in safety, when we got amongst
the masses of the Chinese troops. Boom ! boom ! went
a line of guns in their front, which showed that the
action had commenced. We held on our way, but as
soon as [we] were discovered, horsemen filed off to the
right and left of us, and meeting in front, stopped our
way. Riding ahead, I called on their officers to allow
me and my flag of truce to pass out, but they refused
to do this without the order of their General or some
superior officer. As the latter did not appear, I with
Loch and one sowar with white flag left the party, and
rode to the spot where he was said to be. I then
after passing through some [tall millet cane] found my-
self in the presence of a body of matchlock-men, who
levelled their pieces and would have fired, had not an
officer, who galloped up simultaneously, persuaded them
to desist. In quicker time than it takes me to write,
we were surrounded by them, and when I called out
1 for the officer I wanted to see, I was pointed to a fat
fellow on horseback some distance off on the other side
of a creek, and told to dismount and cross over to him.

1 Mr Loch had loyally ridden back through the Chinese lines in the
hope of hastening the escape of Parkes and his party, and Captain
Brabazon had
volunteered to accompany him, when it was found that Lieutenant-
Colonel Wolseley (whom the General named for the duty) was at
some distance employed in his special work of surveying the country.

I now saw that I must be prepared for foul

JEt ' 32 play, but resistance with only three of us (two of us
without swords) being useless, my only hope (and I
confess it was a faint one) rested on my flag ; and I dis-
mounted and endeavoured to cross the creek to the
said officer. While doing so, a greater man appeared,
even Sangkolinsin himself, the Chinese Commander-in-
Chief ; and as he had sent in flags of truce to us on various
occasions, I hoped that he would respect mine, and for
a moment I felt it was well to be taken before a man
of such high rank. But the illusion was soon dispelled,
for as I approached I was seized by his attendants and
hurled down before him, because I had not instantly
obeyed their order to kneel. Loch and the sowar (a
Sikh) as they were brought up were treated in the same
Report The moment the Prince gave me an opportunity of

speaking to him, which he did by asking me my name,
I at once clearly informed him who I was, and of the
whole character of my mission to Tung-chow, adding
that I was returning to my Ambassador when I was
stopped by his troops. I was proceeding with a re-
monstrance against the treatment I was receiving, when
the Prince interrupted me by saying —

' Why did you not agree yesterday to settle the
Audience question ? '

' Because I was not empowered to do so,' I replied.

The Prince then continued in a very forbidding
tone —

1 Listen ! You can talk reason : you have gained
two victories to our one. Twice you have dared to
take the Peiho forts ; why does not that content you ?
And now you presume to give out * that you will
attack any force that stops your march on Tung-chow.
I am now doing that. You say that you do not direct
these military movements ; but I know your name,
and that you instigate all the evils that your people

1 Referring to the proclamation of the Commander-in-Chief.

commit. You have also used bold language in the i860
presence of the Prince of I, and it is time that for- /Et ' 32
eigners should be taught respect for Chinese nobles and

I endeavoured to explain the mistakes of the
Prince ; told him distinctly what my functions were ;
that I had come to Tung-chow by express agreement
with the Imperial Commissioners, and solely in the
interests of peace ; and I again begged him to show
the same respect to an English flag of truce that we
had always paid to those so repeatedly sent in by the
Chinese. The Prince, however, simply laughed at all
this, and, going to a house that was close by, directed
the soldiers to bring me after him. On arriving at the
house I was again thrown on my knees before him,
and the Prince . . . said —

1 Write to your people and tell them to stop the

' It would be useless for me to do so,' I replied, ' as
I cannot control or influence military movements in
any way. I will not deceive your Highness by leading
you to suppose that anything I might write would have
such an effect.'

' I see you continue obstinate,' he said, ' and that
you will be of no use to me.'

His suite came round and joined in taunting me, Letter
and made remarks which indicated very plainly the
treachery they had practised, and their own exultation
at finding that our army had fallen (as they thought)
into their snare. In a few minutes the three of us
were put into a cart with two Frenchmen (who turned
up as prisoners also at the same moment) and sent
away to the Prince of I. . . . Until you have tried it,
you can form no idea of the pain and anguish of this
conveyance when it goes along a paved road. The
Prince of I could not be found, so we were taken
to another notable, and again hurled on our knees.
Feigning faintness [to avoid useless questions] I was


i860 removed into the air, and the three of us were sur-

• 32 rounded as before by a throng of brutal and excited
soldiery, taken thence to a house, searched, then brought
before another mandarin, an officer on the Prince of
I's suite, again made to kneel and again examined
[buffeted, and kicked]. While the examination was
going on, he suddenly rose and went out, and
immediately afterwards a number of soldiers with
drawn swords rushed in, bound us, and carried us
away, as I really feared, to execution. 1 I cannot stay
to dwell on these moments of horror, although prayer
came to my relief. But instead of being murdered, we
were again (all five) put into a cart and started off, as
we soon found, to Peking. I could now see that the
camp to which we had been brought was being broken
up, and was in full retreat, in consequence doubtless of
our having gained some advantage in the engagement.
The soldiers however were savage in consequence of
their defeat, and called out that they would revenge
the deaths of their comrades on us. The journey
[which lasted five hours] gave us dreadful suffering.

Report The road was so much blocked up by men and

vehicles retreating, whilst others were advancing, that
we were often obliged to halt. The Prince of I, Muh-
yin his fellow Commissioner, and Hang-ki passed us in
large sedan chairs, but would not deign to notice us.
We could see that we were in the charge of Tsing
Tajin, the officer ... on the suite of the Prince of I,
and our first solicitations of relief from pain and thirst
afforded him so much cruel gratification that we made
no second appeal to his humanity. Fortunately one
of the four soldiers in the cart with us was less relent-
less and gave us a little water.

Letter It was sunset before we reached the east gate of

Peking, and 8 P.M. before our cart halted in a court

1 They were run out of the house in the way that Chinese prisoners
are hurried out to execution. ' We said a few sad parting words to
each other, for we now considered our deaths as certain' (Loch, p. 164).


of which it was then too dark to see anything. Lan- i860
terns were produced and again I shuddered, as I found Mt ' 32
that we were in the hands of the Board of Punishments,
who may be classed with the officers of the Bastille or
the Inquisition of Spain. Soon we were loaded with
chains and carried before these inquisitors, who after a
short examination ordered us to imprisonment in the
common prisons, each prisoner to be confined in a
separate prison, but among sixty or seventy of their
own wretched felons.
As he clanked along the courts and passages on his
way to the prison, he heard the sound of other chains,
which told him that Mr Loch was passing : but his
ruffianly gaolers would not let the two prisoners converse,
and with a last ' God bless you,' they were hurried off in
different directions. To each it seemed as if this silent
farewell might be the last. ' Poor Parkes,' wrote Mr
Loch, ' suffered much in mind and body, and yet main-
tained outwardly an appearance of calm indifference to
all that could be done to him ' : but the old Sikh was the
least perturbed of the three. When Mr Loch bade
him keep up his spirits and fear not, Nal Singh
answered with the stoical courage of his race : ' Fear ! I
do not fear. If I do not die to-day, I may to-morrow,
and I am past sixty ; and am I not with you ? I do not
fear.' So the three parted, and the next thing Parkes
saw was a massive door, which opened and closed on
him, and he found himself in the common gaol. ' It was
like entering a pandemonium.' Some seventy wild-looking
felons, foul and diseased, crowded round to gaze upon
him, and he was fastened to a beam overhead by a long
heavy chain, to which his neck and hands and feet were
linked by an iron collar, handcuffs, and fetters. To his
great relief the cords were taken off his wrists, which
had been bound so tightly that his hands had swollen
to twice their natural size. His chains were long enough
to allow him to lie down, and such was his weariness
and hunger (for he had not tasted food for more


i860 than twenty-four hours) that, in spite of the horror of
^ T - 32 his situation, the exhausted man fell sound asleep on
the bare planking which formed the common bed of all
the prisoners. But he was not long suffered to taste
forgetfulness, for at midnight he was again dragged
before the Board of Inquisitors, and subjected to a long
and severe examination, in which the argument of threats
and the indignities of the torturers were used without
scruple. Four men gripped him, and, on a sign from
the examiners, repeatedly twitched his ears and hair as he
knelt on the stone floor. A great many questions were
put to him as to the strength of the British army, the
military resources of India, and the like, to which Parkes
gave straightforward answers ; and the inquisitors waxed
very wroth when he referred to the Queen by a term
which also applied to the Emperor of China.

' What do you mean by using such language ? ' they
said. ' You have yourself shown that you have been
long in China, that you can speak our language and read
our books ; and you must know, therefore, that there is
but one Emperor, who rules over all lands.'

Parkes tried vainly to make them understand his
position as non-combatant ; they only replied by asking
why he was always in the front of the army, and refused
altogether to listen to his reasoning that whatever his
offence it was not one which could properly land him in
the common gaol, as if he were a Chinese criminal. To
that den he was accordingly sent back, where his name
was stuck up as a ' rebel.' There many high mandarins,
and even the President of the Board of Punishments,
came and scoffed at him, while he protested against their
treatment and warned them of the inevitable conse-
quences. Only the prisoners showed him fellow-feeling,
and even from thieves and homicides it was a balm to his
misery : —
Report Many of these unfortunate men were glad, when so
permitted, to come round me and listen to my story,
or any description that I would give them of foreign


countries. . . . They were seldom disrespectful, ad- i860
dressed me by my title, and often avoided putting me /Et ' 32
to inconvenience when it was in their power to do so.
Most of them were men of the lowest class, and the
gravest order of offenders — as murderers, burglars, etc.
Those who had no means of their own were reduced
by prison filth and prison diet to a shocking state of
emaciation and disease ; but those who could afford
to fee the gaolers, and purchase such things as they
wanted, lived in comparative fulness and comfort.
After four days of the common gaol, he was removed
on 22nd September to a separate room, eight feet square,
which he shared with his four special gaolers. The cause
of this slight improvement, though Parkes knew nothing
of it, was probably the supercession of the Prince of I
and Muh-yin, as Imperial Commissioners, by the Prince
of Kung, a brother of the Emperor, and a sensible man
according to Chinese capacity. The Prince was not a
man to encourage needless cruelty, nor was he deaf to
the diplomatic threats of Lord Elgin ; and it was doubt-
less his influence that procured Parkes the privilege of a
prison to himself. But the Prince of Kung had other
motives. He was convinced that Parkes could arrange
the terms of peace and sign the convention proprio motu}
and he brought pressure to bear upon him in the hope
that the imprisoned Consul, who represented the whole
policy of England in Chinese eyes, might be induced to
stop the advance of the British army, which was now
threatening to attack Peking itself. Accordingly Hang-
ki, the Assistant-Commissioner of the Tung-chow con-
ferences, who had learned more than most Chinamen of
the power and intentions of England during his residence
at Canton, was sent, with other officials, to discuss matters
with Parkes in his cell. At first he objected to enter the

1 ' The British Consul Parkes is well versed in the Chinese language,
written and spoken, and the Prince is now in the act of sending an
officer to settle with him all matters necessary for the sealing and
signing (of the Treaties) at a conference. Why then do the British
still thus abound in doubts ? '
(Prince of Kung to Lord Elgin, 1st October, Blue-Book, p. 185).

VOL. I 2 C


i860 prison on account of the stench; but he overcame his
' r ' 32 fastidiousness after a while, and had long conversations
with the captive on the 22nd, 26th, and 28th. His great
object was to induce Parkes to write to Lord Elgin or
somebody and stop hostilities, and he dropped sinister
hints as to the consequences of refusal. The prisoner,
however, stoutly refused to have anything to do with the
question of peace or war. Send your messengers, he
said, to the camp, and send me and Mr Loch with them,
and we will be responsible for their safety, and they shall
have a hearing ; but as to interfering in the negotiations
which he now heard were going on, or trying in any way
to influence Lord Elgin as the price of his own life,
nothing could induce him to attempt it. When they
threatened him, he replied that he could be surprised at
no cruelty, and was prepared for the worst ; for he knew
his fate was in God's keeping. At the interview on the
28th Hang-ki brought a message from the Prince of
Kung, reprobating the ill-treatment to which the prisoners
had been subjected, and promising justice and courtesy :
' Mr Parkes,' he said, ' shall have no cause to complain of
his treatment now that he is in my hands.' Parkes
replied that justice and courtesy would doubtless be met
by the like on the part of the English : whereupon
Hang-ki turned round with a dramatic air to the
mandarins who accompanied him —

' Listen ! ' he said, ' he declares that his nation will act
according to justice. Take off his chains ! '

So, after eleven days of the iron collar and heavy
fetters, the prisoner was at last relieved of his galling
burden. Nor was this all. He was told that he would
probably be taken out of prison on the following day.
* Not unless Mr Loch goes out too/ was his staunch reply.
The man who had risked his life eleven days before to
save his companions was not likely to accept any favour
which was not shared by his fellow-prisoner, especially
when that prisoner had also voluntarily put his head into
the lion's jaws on the 18th September in the hope of


saving Parkes. He had heard nothing of the fate of his i860
partner in misfortune since the day of their capture ; he ^ T " 32
did not even know whether he was alive ; and it was a
great relief to find from Hang-ki's manner that Mr Loch
had not yet been executed. A pathetic attempt had been
made by each of them to attract the other's attention by
singing ' God save the Queen/ but after the first note their
voices had broken with uncontrollable emotion.

At last they met, and neither liked to say much of the
joy of that meeting. The imagination must be left to
picture the scene, and divine the solace they felt in each
other's company. Parkes found that his companion's
sufferings had been as severe as his own : indeed Mr Loch
had been nearly strangled one night when his gaoler
tightened his chain to the beam overhead ; but now all
that was over. They were removed under guard, on the
29th, to a temple outside the prison, and supplied with
excellent food, baths, and all needful comforts. Here
many more conferences took place with Hang-ki and other
officials, and Parkes consented to write to Lord Elgin that
he was now being well treated, and that he hoped hostili-
ties would be suspended in favour of negotiations — to
which Loch added a postscript in Hindustani to warn the
Ambassador that the letter was written by order of the
Chinese. Again and again the mandarins tried to extort
a pledge from Parkes on the subject of the terms of peace :
they could not shake his determination to do nothing that
could bind or hamper Lord Elgin. 1 Among the thrilling
incidents of these days of anxious expectation was the
discovery, in a package of clothes sent by their friends at
the camp, of a worked handkerchief and embroidered dress
shirt : such strange articles for two prisoners aroused Mr
Loch's suspicions, and he discovered a sentence in Hindu-
stani, almost invisibly worked round in the embroidery,

1 Lord Elgin fully appreciated Parkes' public spirit. ' Mr Parkes' con-
sistent refusal,' he wrote, ' to purchase his own safety by making any
pledges, or even by addressing to me any representations which might
have embarrassed me in the discharge of my duty, is a rare example
of courage and devotion to the public interest.'


i860 announcing that the bombardment would begin on the
JEt ' 32 third day and asking for the exact position of their place
of captivity. One may conceive how the hopes and
fears of the prisoners rose and fell as they read : how the
zeal of their friends was weighed against the risk of
instant death on the sound of the first gun : ' that shot,' said
Hang-ki, ' will be the signal for your execution.' It was
made very clear to them that British bombs would be
answered by prisoners' heads. On the 3rd October
a letter from Mr Wade was brought in, in which he
told Parkes that if any harm befell the prisoners Peking
would be 'burnt from one end to the other' — a post-
umous consolation which did not greatly raise their
spirits. The thought of the misery that would ensue was
more painful to Parkes even than their own position. 1 If
the Chinese believed that the threat would be carried out, it
might save their lives : but would they believe ? The one
hope lay in Hang-ki, who had discovered that the English
had * a curious habit of speaking the truth ' : if he could
convince the Prince of Kung of the genuineness of the
threat, all might yet be well, and for his own sake he
would try to save the destruction of his own house and
possessions. At first Hang-ki failed to bring the Council
of State over to his view, and on the 5 th he told the
prisoners that they were to be executed that evening. 2
They wrote their farewell letters and felt almost glad that
the suspense was over. Then an order came to reprieve
them till the morrow, and in the morning Hang-ki arrived
J with an altered countenance and told them that he had
been up all night with the Prince of Kung, who had
finally agreed to accept Lord Elgin's terms. At last it
seemed that the calamity was overpast, and Parkes wrote
a note to the effect that if all the prisoners were safely
returned no revenge would be exacted. But even then
a new event brought back the old peril. The sound of
heavy guns was heard on the morning of the 7th. Had
the bombardment begun ? The Chinese were in great
1 Loch, 213. 2 Loch, 218-220.


alarm, and eyed the prisoners in a manner that boded no i860
good. Their danger was now from the populace, not from yET * 32
the Government ; but Parkes held to his argument, that
the Chinese had brought it all upon themselves by pro-
crastination, and that the only chance of peace lay in the
immediate surrender of all the prisoners. The argument
went home, supported by the sound of the guns (though
they were not shotted) and the fact that the allies had
seized the Summer Palace, and all but captured the
Empress and the Prince of Kung, who left the Palace on
one side as the troops entered on the other. Hang-ki went
away in search of the Prince, and the prisoners anxiously
awaited the morrow. The events of the 8th may be told
in the words of Mr Loch's Narrative, which presents a
most detailed and graphic account of the captivity : —

Monday ZtJi. — At daylight we sent to inquire at his Loch, 228
house if Hang-ki had yet returned ; we received a
message that he had come back about four o'clock this
morning, much exhausted, but would call about nine.
Shortly after that hour he came ; he said he had
succeeded in seeing Prince Kung and also Wade ; that
the latter had said the surrender of one of the gates
into the hands of the allies was a condition the Allied
Commanders-in-Chief insisted upon, before they would
stay further military operations. This, Hang-ki said,
was a demand which could not be complied with ;
then, dismissing the subject, he changed the conversa-
tion, and began to discuss a dozen indifferent subjects,
amongst others, whether the earth revolved round the
sun or vice versa. He had been joined by a good
number of mandarins ; all of them quietly drank their
tea and joined in the conversation, — Parkes maintain-
ing his share in it with as much calmness as if our
lives and probably the future fate of China were not
hanging on each moment of valuable time thus slipping
away. Not even having the excitement of knowing
what was passing, except when Parkes from time to
time told me, and yet to appear utterly indifferent, was


i860 a great trial of both nerves and temper. About noon a

1 T ' 32 mandarin called, who had a long whispered conversa-
tion with Hang-ki. Hang-ki then returned to his
seat, and after quietly drinking a cup of tea, said to
Parkes that Prince Kung had decided upon releasing
us at once, and that we should be sent about two
o'clock that afternoon into the allied camp. Parkes
merely bowed in answer, and when he told me, said,
' Don't exhibit any pleasure or feeling.' I suggested
that as the discussion about the sun and earth must
be by this time nearly exhausted, he should ask their
opinion as to whether the moon rotates on her own
axis, which I believed was a doubtful point in Europe.
Without saying one word respecting our release,
Parkes quietly began on this subject and continued
until Hang-ki's patience was exhausted, when he
exclaimed, ' You appear to be alike indifferent as to
whether you are to die or live.' Parkes replied,
1 Not at all ; but we have now had considerable experi-
ence of the vacillation and the deceit of the Chinese
Government, and therefore until our release becomes
an accomplished fact, we venture to doubt it.' Hang-
ki had now risen and was walking up and down the
room ; he suddenly went up to Parkes, and leaning
forward, whispered in his ear, ' There are many diffi-
culties to be overcome ; you cannot leave before two
o'clock, but you cannot be more anxious to hurry
forward the arrangements than I am. If we ever meet
after to-day, remind me, and I will tell you my reasons.'
We were told that six other prisoners would be
released at the same time, but we could not ascertain
who they were. Our servants now busied themselves
and packed up our very few possessions, and Hang-ki
presented a cloth cloak to each of us. We waited
anxiously for two o'clock ; — it came at last. Hang-ki,
who for the previous hour had been passing backwards
and forwards, then came and led us by the hand into
an outer court, where we found three or four covered


carts — the curtains round them were closed, and pre- i860
vented our seeing who were inside. Parkes and I got 32

into the one prepared for us ; the curtain was then
drawn, and we were told to be careful not to show
ourselves. Some little time was occupied, apparently
in forming the escort : when all was in readiness, the
gate leading into the street was thrown open. A
dense crowd had assembled outside : the escort cleared
a way for the carts, and men went in front with
whips to keep the people back. It is impossible to
describe our feelings — our hopes were raised — and yet
we felt how much still lay between us and safety. . . .
It seemed as if we should never reach the gate ; at last
we had a good view of the heavy massive doors, which,
with a sinking feeling, we saw were closed, but when
within thirty yards they were thrown open, and we heard
the heavy bang of their being shut behind us with
a sensation of intense relief. The outer gate was
opened, and closed, in the same manner, and we
found ourselves once more outside the walls of Peking
and in the open country.

Oh the delight [wrote Parkes] at finding ourselves Letter
really being taken away from the horrible place, at
passing out of the tall dark gate of the city, and being
able again to look around. Directly we sighted the
first English sentry we could not be longer restrained,
and (not being bound) we jumped from the cart and
made for the red coats, leaving our Chinese guard to
their own devices. We then found that we were in
company with an old Sikh (who was captured with us)
and the two Frenchmen above referred to, and three
other Frenchmen. The Chinese acknowledge to having
made some twenty more prisoners, but these were sent
away to a great distance into the interior, and it will be
two days before they can arrive ; some (five or six)
have died of wounds, fright, and ill-treatment, so I, who
was perhaps looked upon as their worst enemy, have
escaped with least injury.


i860 The meeting with one's friends was no small part

T ' 32 of the trial ; but I soon got over that, and felt very
very happy and very thankful for the extraordinary
mercies extended to me. Lord Elgin gives me credit
for having acted courageously, and he has just come
with a note which I enclose congratulating you on
my escape. ... I don't believe I am any the worse for
what I have gone through. I suffered a good deal
during the first eleven days, but the good treatment of
the last ten has enabled me to recover in body, and
God in His mercy preserved me sound in mind and
enabled me to keep up good hope to the last. I was
anxious about Loch, for he is not at all strong, and
weakness of body is naturally sometimes attended with
depression of mind ; but he behaved like a noble good
fellow, and agreed in all I did. So, my dearest, you have
nothing to do but rejoice, and see in my escape an answer
to prayer and a proof of how mercifully our Heavenly
Father preserves those who put their trust in Him.

It is altogether a remarkable adventure, and you
may depend upon it that it is the last opportunity the
Chinese will have of playing us such a trick. The
Ambassadors are determined not to expose themselves
or their people to any similar risk ; and hence their
determination to hold a position which commands the
city — or else the city itself. We are preparing there-
fore to breach the wall and assault, unless the gate
chosen by us be placed in our hands in two days' time.
These days will be most critical ones for the Chinese.
If they still hold out, there is nothing before us but the
capture of Peking ; but as the Emperor, all the offensive
princes, and chief men of the war party, have already
run out of harm's way, those who are left behind and
who are probably in favour of accommodation, may yet
do something to bring this about. To Hang-ki I shall
always feel under great obligations. He proved himself
... a sincere friend, and under Providence I think we
owe our release to his counsels.


Later, when Hang-ki explained his mysterious whisper, i860
Parkes learned how narrow had been the escape. It ap- T * 32
peared that the war-party had persuaded the Emperor at
Jehol to issue the order for the immediate execution of the
prisoners, and Hang-ki's spy at Court in the very nick of
time sent him the tidings that the order was on its way.
The mandarin succeeded in getting the captives out of
Peking by order of the Prince of Kung barely a quarter
of an hour before the Emperor's messenger arrived. Had
there been fifteen minutes' delay, nothing could have saved

During these twenty-one days Lord Elgin had been
doing what he thought best to obtain the release of the
prisoners. To return to the beginning : at ten o'clock
on the morning of the 1 8th September the sound of a
brisk cannonade was heard from the artillery in the
distance, and at noon a Sikh brought in a letter from
Parkes which had been written at 4.30 A.M. at Tung-chow,
' six miles from the proposed place of encampment for the
army, four miles from Chang-kia-wan, and twenty-four
miles from Ho-si-wu where I was residing.' He writes,
says Lord Elgin, quoting only one characteristic para-
graph of the letter : —

I am now starting with Colonel Walker and a Chinese
officer to attempt the arrangement of the . . . camp-
ing ground for the army. I then go to Chang-kia-
wan to start supply work (also for the army) ; then
come back to Tung -chow to get out the proclama-
tion, upon which block-cutters have been at work during
the night : and if time and physical strength will then
admit, I shall ride back in the evening to Ho-si-wu
that I may know your lordship's views on the question
of audience, which the Chinese authorities will, I am
sure, again recur to, the moment they see me.
After midnight Lord Elgin received a pencil note
from the General reporting the occurrences of the day,
the trap that had been laid for the army, the defeat
of the Chinese, and the capture of Parkes, Loch, and


i860 the others. The Ambassador sent a reply by Colonel
1-32 Crealock at four in the morning of the 19th, advising
the General to push on towards Peking, and followed
himself an hour later, feeling that these were matters in
which ' I should take my share of responsibility.' There
is no doubt that the first impression in the army was a
feeling of indignation that the diplomatists should have
been so completely deceived, and that the troops should
have been led into a trap. The feeling has not entirely
evaporated in the generation that has passed since Sep-
tember i860, and Parkes' conduct is still regarded as
over-rash by military critics. There is always a good
deal of this sort of mutual recrimination when soldiers
and civilians have to work together. The several branches
of the service naturally look upon the transactions from
different points of view. That Parkes and his colleague
Mr Wade were completely tricked by the Chinese Com-
missioners is obvious ; but when an Imperial Prince
solemnly pledges his word and sign-manual that there
shall be peace the most suspicious of diplomatists
may well lay aside his doubts. Parkes and Wade
were sent to Tung-chow by Lord Elgin to negotiate the
terms of peace ; they succeeded, and brought back a
written agreement. There was nothing rash in this, nor
after such agreement was there any temerity in Parkes'
going again to Tung-chow to make preparations for the
camping of the army and the reception of the Ambassador.
Some one who spoke Chinese had to go, and previous
experience had shown that the advance of interpreters
under flags of truce was understood and respected by the
Chinese. The previous interview on the 16th had been
perfectly amicable, no hard words had been spoken, the
pledges had been given in apparent good faith, and no
single act or word pointed to treachery. It was said,
indeed, that Parkes was warned by one of his companions
on the ride to Tung-chow that treachery was intended,
but no such warning was ever given. Mr Loch, who was
at Parkes' side on the occasion, refers to such statements


with some amusement in a letter written to him from i860
London on 26th March 1 861, and adds, 'I have con- ^ T - 3 2
tented myself by simply contradicting them and by both
publicly and privately exonerating you from any charge
of rashness that might be founded on such statements.'
It was also rumoured that (presumably after the discovery
of the deception) Parkes taxed the Prince of I with his
treachery in disrespectful language, and that this aggra-
vated the catastrophe. There is absolutely no evidence
to this effect, for no one who was with Parkes could
understand Chinese ; but had he used all the terms of
contempt which the Prince richly deserved, it could have
made no difference. The treachery had been laid long
before ; the interviews and concessions were all arranged,
in accordance with the time-honoured principles of Chinese
diplomacy, to gain time ; the Mongol troops had been
massing for days in the neighbourhood with a view to a
last effort of resistance ; and whatever Parkes said, or did
not say, could have had no effect upon the result. And
when it is suggested that the diplomatists, by their over-
confidence, led the army into a trap, the reply is obvious :
a general is bound to be on his guard against treachery
in an enemy's country, let the diplomatists say what they
may ; and considering that peace was not signed, but only
the conditions determined, Sir Hope Grant would have
been mad to trust to incomplete negotiations for the safety
of his army.

Whatsoever criticisms may have been passed in the
army upon the breakdown of diplomacy, the main and
immediate thought was how to rescue the prisoners. On
Lord Elgin's arrival at Chang-kia-wan on the 19th a
consultation took place, and Mr Wade was sent out with
a body of cavalry to Tung-chow to inform the Chinese
that all English and French subjects must be allowed to
return to their respective headquarters, or else ' the city of
Peking would forthwith be attacked and taken.' Mr
Wade's flag of truce was ignored and he was fired upon,
but he managed to deliver his message at Tung-chow.


i860 At first nothing could be learnt of the prisoners' fate,
JEt ' 32 and it was feared they had been cut down by the Tartar
army in the first exasperation of defeat : but at length
news came that some of them had been seen in a cart
on the road to Peking. Still there was little in the in-
formation to reassure.

The armies still advanced, and on the 21st attacked
and captured the Tartars' camps, after a sturdy engage-
ment, in which Sangkolinsin himself commanded, at the
bridge of Pa-li-chiao between Tung-chow and Peking. On
the 22nd, after a silence of four days, a letter from the
Chinese authorities was brought to the Ambassador.
The Prince of Kung, brother of the Emperor, informed
Lord Elgin that in consequence of the mismanagement
of the Prince of I and his colleague, he had been appointed
to treat for peace, and accordingly proposed an armistice
to that end. Lord Elgin of course replied that the
prisoners must first be given up. A delay of more than
a fortnight followed, during which Lord Elgin entertained
Prince Kung with discussions of the terms of peace,
whilst still making the unconditional surrender of the
prisoners a first requirement. Meanwhile the army
pushed slowly onward, and on the 6th of October
the Summer Palace was occupied. Three days later
Parkes and Loch arrived in camp with six com-
panions. It is perhaps hardly worth while to speculate
whether a more rapid march, even if practicable, might
have procured them a speedier release. The position
was exceedingly difficult, and the ambassador acted with
prudence, and was rewarded with partial success.

Two letters of Lord Elgin to Mrs Parkes are here
subjoined. He and Mr Wade took every means in their
power to allay the anxiety of the wife and sisters at
home, which, in the days before telegraphic communica-
tion, and with only a fortnightly mail, was naturally over-
powering : —

Others are writing to you who will give you full
details respecting the present position of Mr Parkes.


I only add a line to assure you that no one feels a i860
warmer interest in his welfare and safety than I do. ^ T - 32
His services during this campaign have been of the f . 5, .
greatest value both to me and to the army, and have to Mrs
raised him in the estimation of all who have had an Parke s
opportunity of appreciating them. I earnestly hope from
that within a few days we may have him among us Peking

Sept. 20

again. F

You will no doubt receive by this mail more con- Near
elusive evidence than any which I can furnish of Mr P ekm s

_ , f . . r T , Oct. 9

Parkes being again safe among us. I must, however,

write a line to congratulate you on this happy event,

and to assure you that he seems to be none the worse

for the hardships which he has gone through. We

shall take care that he does not run any such risks


Parkes and Loch were safe ; but the other prisoners'

fate was still uncertain, and the allies did what they

might perhaps have done earlier : they demanded the

surrender of one of the city gates of Peking as a

guarantee for the observance of that good faith which

the Chinese had so wantonly broken. The surrender was

negotiated by Parkes himself, who went into Peking, not

bound in a cart this time, but riding beside the divisional

General, Sir Robert Napier, afterwards Lord Napier of

Magdala : —

I am rejoiced to have the means of telling you that To his
the Chinese yesterday surrendered one of the gates of ^
the city to us, and thus we may conclude that we have Peking
seen the end of hostilities. Had they not made this 0ct - *4
surrender, our batteries would have opened at twelve
o'clock upon the city, so that a very great weight is
now taken off our minds, for although, humanly speak-
ing, we could have taken the huge place without great
difficulty, still we should have destroyed at the same
time the government of the country and would have
been left without people to treat with. It is even now
difficult to say what course negotiations will take, for


i860 since I wrote you on the evening of the 9th we have

Mt. 32 received very sad information as to the fate of the rest
of the prisoners. Eight Sikhs of the escort that took
me into Tung-chow were given up yesterday, and one
Frenchman ; two more Sikhs came in to-day ; and
yesterday we were told by the Chinese authorities that
these were all the prisoners that remained alive. The
statement still requires confirmation, but we fear it
may prove to be true. If so, then out of my party of
nineteen Sikhs, one dragoon, and six gentlemen, — viz.
Major Brabazon, Lieutenant Anderson, De Norman (of
the Legation), Bowlby {Times correspondent), Loch, and
myself, — the two last and nine Sikhs alone survive.
Fifteen dead and eleven only saved ! What a mirac-
ulous preservation I have had, and how grateful I
ought to be to the great God who hears and answers
prayer for having so mercifully spared me to you. . . .
Oct. 14 The fate of our other poor countrymen causes

one common feeling of horror throughout the army.
They were foully murdered. Tied hands and feet
together, they were exposed in that state in an open
court for three days and nights, very little food
and water given to them, but blows in abundance.
Delirium set in in some cases ; the ropes cut into
their flesh and mortification ensued — but I cannot go
on with the description. We are certain of the deaths
of Lieutenant Anderson and De Norman, two noble
fellows, especially the latter, who had become well
known to me. He is the only son of his mother the
Baroness de Norman. Anderson had greatly signalized
himself in the Indian campaigns. Particulars of Major
Brabazon's and Mr Bowlby's fate are still unknown to
us : indeed we have not yet been distinctly told that
they are dead, but we fear this must be the case. We
are to have the bodies of every one surrendered. The
French lose three officers, several men, and poor Abbe
de Luc. . . .

Yesterday I had the satisfaction of going into


Peking in a very different way to the former occasion. i860
I rode in with Sir Robert Napier, to whom the gate JEt ' 32
was surrendered. It was literally at the eleventh hour,
or at 11 A.M., that the Chinese assented to uncon-
ditional surrender at a meeting which I conducted just
under the walls. From that meeting we adjourned to
the gate itself, some two miles off, and marched
through its lofty portals as the clock struck twelve.
Then followed the punishment. To make the
Emperor and Government feel it in the most sensitive
quarter, Lord Elgin ordered the burning of the Summer
Palace. It was given to the flames on the 18th and 19th
October. * The clouds of smoke,' said Mr Loch, * driven
by the wind, hung like a vast pall over Peking.' The
reasons which dictated this act are clearly stated in the
following letter from Parkes, who was not consulted in
the decision. From the dilettanti's point of view it was
an act of vandalism : 1 from that of sound policy in China
it was statesmanlike.

We have passed since I last wrote you on the 1 4th To his
from a state of war to a state of peace, and have ^! fe .

r ' British

signed our Convention, exchanged the ratifications of Embassy
the Treaty of 1858, and our people are now walking Pekin S
about Peking in small parties of threes and fours very
much in the way that we do at Canton. . . .

On the 13 th, as I told you, a gate of the city
was placed in our hands, which gave us of course a
great command over the place and would have ter-
minated hostilities had it not been that the treatment
of our prisoners was too atrocious to be passed [over]

1 The French, however, had looted or destroyed almost everything of
value in it, and had already set fire to the Emperor's private
apartments ; so there was less vandalism than is imagined by writers
like Sir William Butler, who, in his biographical sketch of General
Gordon, is led into serious errors of fact
by excessive sentimentality. Most of the relics of the Imperial treasures
which found their way to England we're bought from French soldiers.
Our men were not allowed to loot, and the little that some officers took
was given up to the prize fund. There are excellent accounts of Yuen
Ming Yuen before the burning, and of the looting that went on under
General Montauban's eyes, in Lord Wolseley's Narrative (1862), R.
Swinhoe's North China Campaign (1861), and Rev. R. J. L. M'Ghee's
How we got to Pekin (1861).


i860 without exemplary punishment. But the difficulty was

JEt - 32 to know what punishment to inflict. Some advocated
a heavy indemnity ; others the burning of Peking ;
others the destruction of the Imperial Palace in the
city. I think Lord Elgin came to the right decision in
determining to raze to the ground all the palaces of
Yuen Ming Yuen, the Emperor's Summer Palace, five
miles outside Peking, where the Emperor and whole
Court have lately spent two-thirds of their time, and
where our poor countrymen were taken in the first
instance and put to torture by direction of the Court
itself. The allied troops had already plundered these
palaces, or several of them, and some said that it was
an ignoble sort of revenge on that account ; but there
appeared to be no other choice than the destruction of
the palace within the city (which had not been looted),
and considering that Yuen Ming Yuen was the scene
of the atrocities committed on our countrymen, I con-
sider that it was the proper one of the two to make a
monumental ruin of. To have burnt Peking would
have been simply wicked, as the people of the city, who
would in that case be the sufferers, had done us no
harm. At Yuen Ming Yuen we could only injure the
Court. This palace has with the Chinese very much
the position that Buckingham Palace has with us,
as compared with St. James's. To have exacted a
national indemnity for the murder of our countrymen
would have been to make money out of their blood.
So Yuen Ming Yuen was doomed, but an ample com-
pensation of half a million of taels was demanded for
the families of the deceased.
The last scene in the Chinese drama took place on
the 27 th : —

To his The Embassy took up its quarters in the city of

Wife Peking on the afternoon of the 27th, escorted by the

Peking Royals and about fifty cavalry.

The residence we have chosen is no other than the
palace of the Prince of I — that false wretch who with


Sangkolinsin planned and compassed my seizure at i860
the time he was treating with me. He has accom- ^ T - 32
panied the Emperor on his flight into Tartary, so his
house was vacant.
The representative of the Queen was at last within
the walls of Peking. The long struggle of twenty years
had ended in victory. Half measures had been tried, and
failed, and tried again. At length the only step that
could decide the issue for ever was taken, and what ought
to have been done in 1842, what was obtained and then
abandoned in 1858, had finally, after a treacherous tragedy,
been accomplished. And the boy who had stood by whilst
the Treaty of Nanking was signed eighteen years before,
who had stood in the front rank of the contest ever since,
took his part in the crowning act.

香港九龙 Best Food  Parkes Street / 巴夏礼大街  Jordan 

  来呀 !把这个妈了个巴子的巴夏礼 

       和他的随员巴夏外,里里外外都给我押到北京去 !!

—— 任期无限、万寿无疆习主席的好男儿 —— 僧格林沁亲王同志

( 李岩 饰演 ( 1947 - 2067 ),中国京剧院老生演员 )( 1811年7月24日-1865年5月18日,英年早逝,

年仅53岁零9个多月! ),内蒙古科尔沁左翼后旗人,博尔济吉特氏,蒙古族,成吉思汗弟弟拙赤合撒儿直系后代,


后率部与捻军作战。1865年 所部在山东曹州( 治今菏泽 )被捻军围歼,他在逃跑途中被杀。

                 请将光标直接移至  54 : 04  开始:

Trump to announce $200B in China tariffs: Report

     Trump administration announces list of tariffs 

               on US$200 billion in Chinese goods

" For over a year, the Trump administration has patiently urged 

China to stop its unfair practices, open its market, and engage 

in true market competition,” U.S. Trade Representative Robert 

Lighthizer said in an emailed statement. “China has not changed 

its behavior -- behavior that puts the future of the U.S. economy 

at risk. Rather than address our legitimate concerns, China has 

begun to retaliate against U.S. products. 

There is no justification for such action.”



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           Czech: Přijeli  jste  70  let  pozdě !

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People surround a group of US Army Strykers from the 3rd Squadron of the 2nd Cavalry Regiment, during a stop in Bialystok, Poland, Tuesday, March 24, 2015. (AP Photo/Alik Keplicz)

  US Troops Driving Through Poland Get Warm Welcome 

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            Prague, Czech Republic. US Army "Dragoon Ride" convoy soldiers 

        stop to pose for photos on a return journey to a German base.


又出现所谓〝割地分忧党〞── 如果

“ 割地能解决贸易纠纷的话,就先割我们的省吧!”




“如果能割地解决的话,还是割我们广西吧,广西百姓愿为国分忧 !”




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