The Billionaire Gadfly in Exile Who Stared Down Beijing

                 By MICHAEL FORSYTHE and ALEXANDRA STEVENSON May 31, 2017

          郭文贵，逼迫中国做出让步的流亡者

                                           《纽约时报》  傅才德, 艾莎 2017年5月31日

The biggest political story in China this year isn’t in Beijing. It isn’t even in China. It’s centered in a $68 million apartment overlooking Central Park in Manhattan.

中国今年最重大的政治新闻不是发生在北京，甚至也不是发生在中国。它的中心是曼哈顿一套价值6800万美元（约合4.7亿元人民币）的公寓，从那里可以俯瞰中央公园(Central Park)。

That’s where Guo Wengui, a billionaire in self-imposed exile, has hurled political grenades at the Chinese Communist Party for months, accusing senior leaders of graft using Twitter as his loudspeaker. He escalated his attack by claiming that members of the family of China’s second most powerful official, who oversees the country’s anticorruption effort, secretly own a large stake in a major Chinese conglomerate.

在这里，自我流放的亿万富翁郭文贵于过去几个月里向中国共产党发起了政治攻击，把Twitter当作扩音器，控诉中国高级领导人的贪腐行径。他升级了这场攻击，声称负责反腐运动的中国二号领导人的家人，秘密拥有中国一个大型企业集团的大量股份。

The Chinese government responded by unleashing the state-controlled media to enumerate Mr. Guo’s alleged frauds, and asking Interpol to put out a global warrant for his arrest.

中国政府发动官方媒体列举郭文贵被控的欺诈罪行，以此作为回应。此外，官方还请求国际刑警组织(Interpol)对其发出全球通缉令。

                                       James Estrin/The New York Times

                   纽约，郭文贵在他的住所处。

But then something unexpected happened. China stood down. The state media campaign against him tapered off. In mid-May, Mr. Guo announced on Twitter that his wife and daughter — previously barred from leaving China — had been allowed to visit him in New York.

但后来，意想不到的事情发生了。中国做出了让步。官方媒体针对他的行动逐渐减弱。5月中旬，郭文贵在Twitter上宣布，之前被禁止离开中国的妻女已获准去纽约看他。

“We need to root out some of the robbers of this country,” Mr. Guo, referring to China, told two New York Times reporters this month at his apartment. To emphasize the point, he wrote it out in Chinese in a notebook. “We are against using corruption to root out corruption.”

“我们要铲除一些盗国者，”郭文贵本月在其公寓里对两名《纽约时报》记者说。他指的是中国。为了强调这一点，他还用中文把它写在了一个笔记本上。“反对以贪反贪。”

Mr. Guo’s allegations are unproved, and some of his claims have been outlandish and easily debunked. Yet amid his barrage of charges about China’s powerful and wealthy are claims that have turned out to be accurate. And the government’s treatment of Mr. Guo, whose former political patron was one of China’s highest-ranking intelligence officials, suggests that he may be taken seriously, perhaps even supported, by some officials in Beijing.

郭文贵的指控未经证实，他的一些说法甚至是荒诞的，很容易被揭穿。但他那些对中国权贵的接二连三的指控中，有一部分已经被证明是准确的。他的前政治靠山曾是中国最高级的情报官员之一，而政府处理郭文贵的方式说明了他可能被严肃地对待，甚至获得了北京某些官员的支持。

Mr. Guo’s most recent claims have reverberated across China and fed unease on Wall Street about doing business there. The assertions, if substantiated, could upend politics in China, the world’s second-biggest economy, possibly driving a wedge between President Xi Jinping and Wang Qishan, the anticorruption czar.

郭文贵近期的大部分说法在全中国引起了反响，并在华尔街上引发了对在中国做生意的担忧。如果得到证实，这些说法可能会颠覆这个全球第二大经济体的政治，在中国国家主席习近平和反腐高官王岐山之间挑起不和。

Mr. Wang, the focus of Mr. Guo’s allegations, has close ties to Wall Street, with enormous influence over China’s financial sector. Mr. Guo’s assertions come just months before a Communist Party meeting that will decide whether Mr. Wang, recently the focus of speculation that he may become China’s next prime minister, will remain on the party’s elite Politburo Standing Committee.

王岐山与华尔街关系密切，对中国金融领域有着巨大的影响力。几个月后，共产党将召开会议，会议将决定王岐山是否留在共产党的领导机构政治局常务委员会里。最近，王岐山备受瞩目，有传言称他可能会出任中国下一任总理。就在此时，郭文贵抛出了相关说法。

Mr. Guo’s Twitter broadsides have continued, and his ability to stare down the world’s most powerful authoritarian nation has underscored the mystery, in China and abroad, about how he acquired his billions, what he knows and who, if anyone, is backing him.

郭文贵在Twitter上的抨击还在继续。在国内外，他逼得全世界最强大的威权主义国家让步的能力，突显了围绕他如何获得万贯家财、他知道些什么以及如果有人在支持他的话，这个人是谁的谜团。

Ruthless, or a Hero?

无情，还是英雄？

His ambitions, like his personality, are big and sometimes baffling. He says he has a plan to exorcise graft from the party, bring rule of law to China, and put ties with America on a stable track by ending decades of Chinese skullduggery on trade. At other times, he explains his corruption allegations as an act of vengeance for a long-ago death. He could, though, just be a man feeling pressure, his assets frozen in China and bad investments and lawsuits chipping away at his fortune.

他性格张扬，志向远大，有时候却令人困惑。他自称有一个计划，可以消除共产党内部的腐败、给中国带来法治，并通过在贸易上结束持续数十年的中国不当行为，让中美关系稳定发展。在其他时候，他又解释说自己的腐败指控，是对很久以前的一起死亡事件的报复。但他可能只是一个感到有压力的人。他在中国国内的资产被冻结，且不良投资和多起官司正在慢慢侵蚀他的财富。

No one better represents the marriage of the Party and money than Mr. Guo, known as Miles Kwok outside China, who parlayed relationships with some of China’s most powerful officials to help build a global portfolio including hotels, office buildings and securities brokerages.

没人能比在国外叫迈尔斯·郭(Miles Kwok)的郭文贵更好地代表共产党与资本的联姻。他利用与中国权力最大的一些官员的关系，帮助建立了一个包括酒店、办公楼和证券经纪的全球投资组合。

Show Mr. Guo a spreadsheet listing the shareholders of the giant Chinese company, HNA, which has been buying up businesses in the West, and he’ll rattle off the names of the prominent families who he claims really control their stakes. Ask him to map out family trees for those names, the key to tracking ill-gotten wealth in China, and he’ll do it from memory, down to the sisters, the cousins and the aunts.

规模庞大的中国公司海航在西方收购动作不断。如果给郭文贵看一份列着海航股东的表格，他会飞快说出著名家族成员的名字。他声称，真正持有股份的是这些人。让他画出这些名字的家谱图——这是在中国追踪不义之财的关键——的话，他会凭记忆画出来，具体到姐妹、堂表亲和姑姨。

“The allegations with regard to HNA simply aren’t true,” a spokesperson for HNA said.

“关于海航的指控是不真实的，”海航的一位发言人说。

Over a decade ago, the Chinese Communist Party welcomed businessmen into its ranks. In turn, those tycoons helped make the sons and daughters of the revolution rich while helping the country show spectacular growth rates. Now, armed with information, one of them has strayed.

十几年前，中共向商人伸出双臂，打开了加入该党的大门。反过来，这些大亨在帮助中国实现惊人的增长率的同时，也帮助革命的子子孙孙成了富豪。现在，掌握了信息的其中一人脱离了既定轨道。

“These people have power and influence and knowledge,” said William C. Kirby, a professor at Harvard Business School. “Many of them are easily controlled. But others go off the reservation.”

“这些人掌握着权力、影响力和知识，”哈佛大学商学院(Harvard Business School)的教授柯伟林(William C. Kirby)说。“其中很多人容易控制。但其他人会走到笼外去。”

Mr. Guo has gone farther than anyone else. When the party retaliated against him, the state-controlled Beijing News reported that he was suspected of obtaining a “fraudulent loan” worth 3.2 billion yuan ($466 million) from one state-owned bank. Another publication, Caixin, referring to documents from Mr. Wang’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, said that Mr. Guo had arranged for $299 million of client’s funds at a securities firm he controlled to be illegally transferred out of the brokerage.

郭文贵比其他任何人都走得更远。中共报复他时，官方媒体《新京报》报道称他涉嫌从一家国有银行“骗贷”32亿元。另一家刊物《财新周刊》则参考来自王岐山领导的中央纪律检查委员会的文件，称郭文贵安排把自己控制的一家证券公司的20.5亿元客户资金，非法转出该公司。

The government’s most potent weapon was the release in April of a videotaped confession of Ma Jian,a former spymaster and political patron to Mr. Guo, who said he had accepted more than $8.7 million in gifts from Mr. Guo in exchange for favors, including frequent interventions with officials to short-circuit any obstacles to his property projects. “Guo Wengui, to ingratiate me, to thank me, and to maintain his relationship with me, gave me a huge amount of benefits,” Mr. Ma said in the video.

政府最强大的武器，是4月公布的前中国反间谍事务负责人、郭文贵曾经的政治靠山马建的认罪视频。在视频中，马建说自己收了郭文贵价值逾870万美元的礼物，而郭文贵从他那里换取的好处包括他频繁干预官员的决策，以绕过郭文贵房地产项目遇到的一切障碍。“郭文贵为了讨好我，感谢我，维系和我的关系，也给我输送了大量的利益，”马建在视频中说。

Mr. Guo’s presence in the United States poses a dilemma for the Trump administration, which is seeking China’s cooperation to rein in North Korea’s nuclear ambitions. In recent years Mr. Guo provided Washington with insights into Chinese politics through his visits with embassy officials in Beijing, according to one former senior administration official.

郭文贵人在美国这一点，让正在寻求中国的合作，以控制朝鲜核野心的特朗普政府进退两难。据一名前联邦政府高级官员称，近年来，郭文贵多次拜访北京的使馆官员，为华盛顿洞察中国政治提供了帮助。

Mr. Guo, who is a member of Mar-a-Lago, President Trump’s private Palm Beach club, is eager to get close to the powerful. On Tuesday, he wrote on Twitter that he flew to Washington for meetings at the Trump International Hotel. He contributed to charitable work by Tony Blair, the former British prime minister, who calls him a friend.

身为特朗普总统位于棕榈滩的私人俱乐部马阿拉歌的会员的郭文贵，迫切地想要接近权力在握的人。周二，他在Twitter上写道，他飞往华盛顿，去参加在特朗普国际酒店举行的会议。他是前英国首相托尼·布莱尔(Tony Blair)所作慈善工作的捐赠人，布莱尔对他以朋友相称。

When the Times reporters visited Mr. Guo’s apartment at the Sherry-Netherland hotel in late April, he stepped away to take a phone call in another room, with the speakerphone on. His assistant explained that a top aide to Mr. Xi was on the line. The implication was obvious: Despite his unprecedented public tirades against some top officials, Mr. Guo was communicating with the one who matters most.

《纽约时报》记者4月底造访郭文贵在荷兰雪梨(Sherry-Netherland)酒店公寓里的住所时，他走到另一个房间接了一个电话，开着扬声器。他的助理解释说，电话的另一头是习近平的一个高级助手。这其中的暗示显而易见：尽管前所未有地公开抨击一些最高层官员，但郭文贵仍在和最重要的那个人有联系。

As with many of Mr. Guo’s claims, it wasn’t possible to confirm who was on the other end of the call, but the episode was fully in keeping with Mr. Guo’s showman personality. That flair for the dramatic is typical of him, said one longtime acquaintance who has been present when he takes calls from Mr. Ma, the former intelligence official.

和郭文贵的很多说法一样，外人不可能证实电话另一头是谁，但这件事完全符合郭文贵爱炫耀的个性。一个和他相识已久的人说，擅长引起注意是他的特点。郭文贵曾当着这个人的面接听前情报官员马建的电话。

Many Chinese dissidents and journalists working outside of the state media umbrella cast Mr. Guo as a hero for his outspoken criticism. Some who know him, though, say that he can be ruthless. A Beijing vice mayor who once stood in his way to securing property rights for an elaborate plaza at the 2008 Olympic Games park was ousted and given a suspended death sentence for bribery after Mr. Guo obtained a tape showing the official having sex with a mistress.

因为那些公开的抨击，郭文贵被中国很多异见人士和处于官媒体系之外的记者说成了英雄。但一些认识他的人说，他可以很无情。北京的一名副市长曾妨碍他在奥林匹克公园旁边修建一座精美的大厦。后来，在郭文贵拿到一盘这名官员和情妇发生性关系的录像后，该官员被免职并因受贿被判处死缓。

Mr. Guo also takes aim at news organizations that write unflattering stories about him. In 2015, Caixin wrote a lengthy investigative story about his business and political connections. In response, Mr. Guo accused its editor of having an affair and a child with his former business partner, even publishing what he claimed was the child’s national identity card number. Caixin is suing Mr. Guo for libel.

郭文贵还把目标对准了所写报道有损其形象的新闻机构。2015年，财新撰写了一篇有关其商业和政治人脉的长篇调查性报道。作为回应，郭文贵声称财新总编和他的前生意伙伴有染并育有一子，甚至还公布了他所说的那个孩子的身份证号码。财新正在起诉郭文贵诽谤。

His public attacks against the leadership of the country he fled two years ago began in January. Using Twitter, and in a televised interview last month on Voice of America, Mr. Guo said a top police official, at the behest of President Xi, had asked him several years ago to look into Mr. Wang’s family finances.

两年前，他逃离中国。他对中国领导人的公开攻击始于1月。通过Twitter和上月在美国之音(Voice of America)上的一个电视采访，郭文贵说几年前，中国警界的一名最高官员按习近平的吩咐，让他调查王岐山的家庭财务情况。

When the Chinese government eased up on its barrage against Mr. Guo, the about-face suggested that that the Communist Party’s top leadership may not agree on how to deal with him, according to Victor Shih, a professor at the University of California, San Diego, who studies finance and politics in China. “If the party were unified in opposing Guo Wengui, his family would have had much harsher treatment,” he said.

加州大学圣迭戈分校(University of California, San Diego)研究中国金融和政治的教授史宗瀚(Victor Shih)认为，当中国政府减少了对郭文贵的攻击，这种态度的大转变表明，在如何处理郭文贵的问题上，其最高领导层可能存在分歧。“如果党内一致反对郭文贵，对他家人的处理应该会严厉得多，”他说。

Seeking Revenge

寻求复仇

Away from his homeland, Mr. Guo still enjoys the high life. On Twitter, where his profile page portrays him as a male version of the Mockingjay from the “Hunger Games” series, he showed off his new private Airbus jet. When giving a tour of his 18th-floor New York apartment —shared with a Bichon Frise puppy — he pointed out the Lalique crystal chandelier, Louis XVI furniture and an ancient Chinese watercolor painting. The monthly maintenance fees alone for the apartment are $58,000.

身在国外的郭文贵依然过着豪华的生活。他的Twitter个人页面将他描绘成《饥饿游戏》(Hunger Games)系列里嘲笑鸟(Mockingjay)的男版。在Twitter上，他炫耀过自己新买的空客(Airbus)私人飞机。在介绍他在纽约的那套公寓——他和一只比熊犬住在那里——时，他一一指出了Lalique的水晶吊灯、路易十六的家具和一幅中国古画。这套位于18层的公寓每月仅维护费用就高达5.8万美元。

Mr. Guo boasts of multiple residences around the world, including in Beijing, London, Tokyo, Abu Dhabi and Hong Kong. His oceanside home there, with sweeping views of Repulse Bay, sits on two lots which Mr. Guo’s son bought for $880 million Hong Kong dollars ($113 million) in 2011, according to property records.

郭文贵号称在全球有多处房产，分布在北京、伦敦、东京、阿布扎比和香港等地。从香港那处坐落在海边的房屋里看出去，浅水湾一览无余。房产记录显示，房屋所在的两个地块为郭文贵之子2011年花8.8亿港币（约合7.7亿元人民币）购得。

His lakeside property in Beijing is modeled on a traditional one-story courtyard home but is far more elaborate, with multiple levels, a cavernous closet with hundreds of identical suits, and a pool in a complex of more than 86,000 square feet. One real estate agent in Beijing estimated its value at about $230 million.

他在北京的湖边物业是仿照传统平房庭院建造的，但要精致得多，而且是多层的。一个巨大的衣橱里装着数百套同样的西装，面积达8.6万平方英尺的院落内配有游泳池。据北京的一个房产中介估计，其价值约为2.3亿美元。

Mr. Guo took Mr. Kirby, then a Harvard dean, on a two-hour tour of the property in 2004. The group was ushered into a private theater, the lights dimmed, and Strauss’s Radetsky’s March began to play as Mr. Guo made a videotaped introduction to a development he planned near the site of the 2008 Olympic games in Beijing. He and a Beijing vice mayor then asked Harvard to locate a campus on the complex, Mr. Kirby recalled.

2004年，郭文贵把当时在哈佛当系主任的柯伟林带到这个地方，参观了两个小时。一行人被领进一个灯光昏暗的私人影院，当郭文贵用一段事先录好的视频介绍自己打算在北京2008年奥运会场地附近开发的一个项目时，施特劳斯的《拉德斯基进行曲》开始响起。柯伟林回忆说，郭文贵和北京的一名副市长而后请哈佛在该建筑综合体中设置一个分校。

At dinner, he pressed his case, all the while watching a Chinese soap opera on a tiny television screen. “It was, still to this day, the most bizarre evening I have ever spent in China,” Mr. Kirby said. (Harvard did not take up Mr. Guo’s offer.)

晚餐期间，郭文贵一边观看一个小小电视屏幕上的中国肥皂剧，一边继续阐述自己的想法。“那至今仍是我在中国度过的最离奇的一个晚上，”柯伟林说。（哈佛没有接受郭文贵的邀约。）

Mr. Guo says the motivation for his corruption allegations is simple: he claims the state shot one of his brothers in 1989 and he’s been plotting his revenge ever since. The circumstances of the death are murky, though, like much of Mr. Guo’s story.

郭文贵说，他控诉腐败的动机很简单：他声称政府在1989年枪杀了他的一个弟弟，自从那时起他一直在谋划复仇。不过，像郭文贵的故事中的很多情节一样，关于那起死亡事件的细节含混不清。

Mr. Guo says that during the 1989 Tiananmen student protests, he was arrested for giving money to the student movement and jailed for two years. But an overseas Chinese website, citing court documents, says Mr. Guo had been arrested in a fraud involving oil sales and that his brother was killed when he and Mr. Guo attacked police.

郭文贵说，1989年的学生抗议活动期间，他因为给学生运动提供资金而被捕，并坐了两年牢。但一家海外网站援引法庭文件称，郭文贵当初是因为卷入一起跟石油销售有关的诈骗案而被捕的，他弟弟则是在和他一起袭警时被杀的。

He says he was born in May, 1970, one of 10 boys in a family with ties to the army from a small town in eastern China’s Shandong province. (Legal documents say he was born in February, 1967.) In prison, Mr. Guo, who only had a middle-school education, learned about Chinese history and other topics from educated inmates, he says.

他说自己来自中国东部省份山东的一个小镇，生于1970年5月，是家中的十个男孩之一，家里在部队上有些关系。（法律文件显示他生于1967年2月。）郭文贵说，在狱中，只念到初中的他从一些有文化的犯人那里学到了关于中国历史和其他问题的知识。

After his release in 1991, Mr. Guo met a prominent businesswoman, who introduced him to wealthy investors. Soon after he built a hotel in the central Chinese city of Zhengzhou, which became a meeting spot for government officials.

1991年被释放后，郭文贵认识了一个著名的女商人，她向他介绍了几位富有的投资者。不久后，他在中国中部城市郑州建成了一家酒店，那里成了政府官员的聚会地点。

Those contacts and later relationships with other officials, including Mr. Ma, the spy chief, helped Mr. Guo build up his empire. He later expanded into finance, acquiring a large stake in a securities brokerage. In 2014, the Hurun Report, which tracks the fortunes of China’s elite, estimated his wealth at $2.3 billion. But that same year, Mr. Guo’s ambition to take control of one of China’s biggest brokerages fell apart and he had a dispute with his business partner, who was later jailed.

与这些官员的接触以及后来的关系（包括同间谍机构负责人马建的联系）帮助郭文贵建立起他的帝国。后来他把业务扩大到金融领域，收购了一家证券经纪公司的大量股份。2014年，追踪中国精英财富的《胡润百富》(Hurun Report)估计他的财富为23亿美元。但是，同年，郭文贵控制中国最大券商之一的野心破灭了，他与自己的生意合伙人发生了争执，这位合伙人后来被判入狱。

Since then, he has lived abroad and his assets in China — he claims 120 billion yuan ($17.4 billion) in all — have been frozen. Mr. Guo is facing financial pressures.

从那以后，郭文贵一直在国外生活，他在中国的资产——他声称共有1200亿人民币（约合174亿美元）——遭到冻结。郭文贵正面临财务压力。

One hedge fund in Hong Kong has alleged that he owes $88 million. The fund, Pacific Alliance Asia Opportunity Fund, recently sued him in New York, saying that he has racked up millions of dollars in interest in loans from 2008.

一家位于香港的对冲基金声称，郭文贵欠该基金8800万元。这家名为太盟亚洲机会基金(Pacific Alliance Asia Opportunity Fund)的公司最近在纽约起诉他，称他从2008年起已经累积拖欠了数百万美元的贷款利息。

Last year, he sued the Swiss bank UBS, arguing that he was misled in a series of transactions that resulted in a $500 million loss for him, but the suit was dismissed. Caixin published a story last week saying that Mr. Blair had introduced Mr. Guo to Abu Dhabi’s crown prince. Mr. Guo later used money from Abu Dhabi to finance a failed takeover of a Chinese securities firm which resulted in the the loss, Caixin reported. A representative for Mr. Blair did not address whether Mr. Blair had made introductions for Mr. Guo. Mr. Guo said the story was groundless.

去年，郭文贵起诉瑞士银行瑞银，声称他在一系列交易中被误导，造成了5亿美元的损失，但诉讼被驳回。财新上周发表了一篇报道，说布莱尔曾把郭文贵介绍给阿布扎比的王储。郭文贵后来利用阿布扎比的资金资助一家中国证券公司进行失败的收购，从而导致了这场亏损。布莱尔的一位代表没有谈到布莱尔是否向郭文贵介绍过阿布扎比王储。郭文贵则说，这个故事毫无根据。

One claim Mr. Guo made in March regarding the hidden wealth a prominent Chinese family could be substantiated by company documents, the Times reported in April. Going after Mr. Wang, though, is particularly risky.

根据时报4月的报道，郭文贵3月就一个显赫中国家族秘密财富所发表的说法，可以通过公司文件得到证实。然而，调查王岐山是一件格外有风险的事。

The 68-year-old official has a reputation for being a problem-solver who has worked closely with American executives, including Henry M. Paulson, the former chief executive of Goldman Sachs and treasury secretary. His many proteges are in influential positions throughout China’s government. Mr. Wang didn’t respond to faxed questions sent to the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection in Beijing. HNA declined to comment.

这位68岁的官员以擅长解决问题著称，曾与多位美国高管有过密切合作，其中包括前高盛(Goldman Sachs)首席执行官、前美国财政部长亨利·M·保尔森(Henry M. Paulson)。他的嫡系人物在中国政府内身居多个要职。王岐山没有回复传真到位于北京的中央纪律检查委员会的问题。海航集团拒绝置评。

“Wang Qishan has been the model of clean and competent, and all but untouchable,” said William Zarit, chairman of the American Chamber of Commerce in China. “Should his star fall, business and government players should be concerned about their own safety.”

“王岐山一直是清廉能干的典范，几乎是不可战胜的，”中国美国商会主席蔡瑞德(William Zarit)说。“如果他的仕途一落千丈，企业和政府的操盘者也应该关心自身的安全。”

There’s no sign that Mr. Guo is letting up. Before the Communist Party meets this fall to pick a slate of top leaders, Mr. Guo plans his most dramatic assault of all, a live event, perhaps from Lincoln Center, that will focus on Chinese corruption.

郭文贵没有任何偃旗息鼓的迹象。今年秋天，共产党又要召开会议，选择一批高层领导人，郭文贵打算在这之前发起最具戏剧性的一次攻击，可能是在林肯中心举行一个现场活动，重点谈及中国的腐败问题。

“I want it to be carnival style with a big screen,” he said. “We will sing,” he added. “We will cry and we will talk about the world.”

“我想让它成为狂欢节的风格，要有一个大屏幕，”他说。“我们要唱歌，”他补充说。“我们要大喊，我们要谈谈这个世界。”

Copyright © 2017 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.

傅才德 ( Michael Forsythe ) 是《纽约时报》记者。

储百亮 ( Christopher Buckley )、David Barboza对本文有报道贡献。Kiki Zhao对本文有研究贡献。

翻译：纽约时报中文网

点击查看本文英文版。

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